At the Tribunal | |
On 10 July 2008 | |
Before
HIS HONOUR JUDGE McMULLEN QC
MRS R CHAPMAN
MRS L TINSLEY
UKEAT/0007/08/CEA | |
2) HOUSING HARTLEPOOL LTD |
APPELLANTS |
RESPONDENTS | |
UKEAT/0008/08/CEA | |
APPELLANTS | |
2) HOUSING HARTLEPOOL LTD |
RESPONDENTS |
Transcript of Proceedings
JUDGMENT
UKEAT/0007/08/CEA
For the Appellant | MR JOHN BOWERS (One of Her Majesty's Counsel) and MR SEAMUS SWEENEY (of Counsel) Instructed by: Hartlepool Borough Council Legal Service Civic Centre Victoria Road Hartlepool TS24 8AY |
For the Respondent | MR PHILIP ENGELMAN (of Counsel) Instructed by: Messrs Stefan Cross Solicitors Buddle House Buddle Road Newcastle upon Tyne Tyne & Wear NE4 8AW |
UKEAT/0008/08/CEA
For the Appellant | MR PHILIP ENGELMAN (of Counsel) Instructed by: Messrs Stefan Cross Solicitors Buddle House Buddle Road Newcastle upon Tyne Tyne & Wear NE4 8AW |
For the Respondent | MR JOHN BOWERS (One of Her Majesty's Counsel) and MR SEAMUS SWEENEY (of Counsel) Instructed by: Hartlepool Borough Council Legal Service Civic Centre Victoria Road Hartlepool TS24 8AY |
SUMMARY
EQUAL PAY ACT: Material factor defence and justification
An Employment Tribunal did not err when it found that bonus schemes created in the 1970s in order to improve productivity were a sham and could not be used in justification as a genuine material factor to a claim of equal pay. The Tribunal erred in one respect when finding there was adverse disparate effect on women when they comprised 4 out of 28 workers in a relevant group and it had been submitted at the Employment Tribunal that this did not show a prima facie case of indirect discrimination. Appeals dismissed save for the above.
HIS HONOUR JUDGE McMULLEN QC
Introduction
The issues
"7 The case involves the payment of a variety of bonuses to the male comparators which are bonuses not received by the female test claimants or those they represent. It is conceded by the respondents that such bonuses are paid but the respondents claim that the variation is genuinely due to a material factor which is not the difference of sex and that factor –
(a) in the case of an equality clause falling within subsection (2)(a) or (b) Equal Pay Act 1970 must be a material difference between the women's case and the men's; and
(b) in the case of an inequality clause falling within subsection (2)(c) Equal Pay Act 1970 may be such a material difference.
8 The issues to be determined may therefore be summarised as follows:
(i) Are the bonuses a sham?
…
(v) Assuming a difference in pay between the claimants and their comparators:
(a) What does the respondent say is the genuine cause of the differences?
(b) Does this constitute a genuine material factor which is not the difference of sex?
(c) Is the Respondent required to objectively justify the differences in the terms?
(d) Has the respondent made out its genuine material factor defence or, if appropriate, has it objectively justified the differences in issue?"
"Whether there was a disproportionate impact on pool attendants when one takes into account casual staff and/or whether the correct pool was those advantaged and disadvantaged by the receipt or non-receipt of bonuses?"
The legislation
The facts
Refuse collectors
(i) The Tribunal concluded that the bonuses paid in that case, namely (a) £82 per week for the completion of the round and proffering help to other rounds, (b) £18 for service output, based on a number of collections and the amount of waste collected, and (c) £25 attendance bonus; were no more than "a bonus for completing the job the refuse collectors are paid to do." The £82 was increased annually without reference to success or otherwise. There was no differentiation between the reduction in the number of employees and the effect of changes in technology. See paragraph 10.11 of the Tribunal's judgment.
Roadsweepers
(ii) 33.5% was paid, provide the sweeper completed his allocated round. See paragraph 10.12.
Gardeners
(iii) 17.5% was paid based on work carried out in the summer months. There was no evidence to show how productivity was alleged to have improved. The bonus was paid during the holidays. See paragraph 10.13.
Joiners
(iv) This was a threshold scheme. Bonuses were paid if the relevant number of minutes per day were exceeded. HH had a piecework scheme. See paragraph 10.14.
Drivers / labourers
(v) This was a fixed rate scheme. It was based upon the squad including the driver / labourers completing the job. However the drivers / labourers had no influence on how that was achieved. The Tribunal found that "as an incentive scheme, this seemed to be nonsense".
Painters
(vi) This was an SMV scheme. There was a fall back of 12.5% bonus guarantee under the Red Book. The Tribunal observed the SMV scheme might operate to create an incentive, but not the 12.5% guarantee. See paragraph 10.16.
Trade supervisors
(vii) A basic wage was paid for a 480 SMV target, which the Tribunal found to be a low threshold. An average bonus of £87 was paid if measured work was not achieved. The Tribunal observed that "it was difficult to see how if the job was completed at all the trade supervisor would not be paid a bonus." See paragraph 10.17.
Female bonuses
(viii) The only bonus was a 6% spot bonus paid as a result of the Cleveland Dinner Ladies litigation. See paragraph 10.18."
"10.10 … I was around at the time of the government's standstill on introduction of all incentive schemes. I think it was Barbara Castle who stopped payments. The way the local authorities and others dealt with this was to introduce bonus schemes."
"10.10 …. (a) To regulate pay to output in a manner satisfactory to both men and management.
(b) To facilitate planning of work and maintenance of a uniform flow of work to all operatives.
(c) To facilitate the establishment of satisfactory work standard methods routines for the performance of work.
(d) To make the most effective use of vehicles, plant, tools, buildings and other equipment provided."
"10.10… It was accepted that there were no pay freezes after 1979 but that the trade unions would not want the schemes to be taken away. The only bonus scheme that had ever applied to women employees was a 6% spot bonus paid to caterers who were providing a satisfactory service. The trade unions did not push for any higher increase. There was no reduction in numbers of staff or hours worked despite new technology and other changes. Doreen Wilkinson, catering manager for the first respondent previously employed as Cleveland and County Council's quality, training and personnel liaison manager confirmed that the spot bonus was paid after the Cleveland County Council split up. It was not productivity related as such but was as a result of the Cleveland dinner ladies case. In cross-examination Mr Stagg who was employed by the first respondent as Organisational Development Manager and had worked in the personnel department for over 20 years, agreed that traditionally bonuses were payable to men in manual occupations and not to women and that this was something which concerned him. He admitted to concerns that bonuses payable to roadsweepers, joiners and refuse collectors etc were not justified and had to be objectively justified. He agreed that the report of the Bonus Technical Working Group in 1997 (page 1620) recognised the problem. At page 1630 this states as follows:
'5.2.8 Productivity is the main reason for bonus schemes. It may be a genuine material factor to support differences in pay between men and women. However when using such a factor, the employer must be able to demonstrate through evidence that the productivity bonus actually reflects higher levels of productivity.
5.2.9 Furthermore, if female groups are not given access to productivity bonus, because they were already fully productive, the employer is unlikely to be able to justify:
- male groups who in practice receive bonus irrespective of their productivity levels or
- not giving female workers the same bonus for doing work of equal value and at equivalent levels of productivity.' "
- "The workforce covered by the former NJC for manual workers of 651,669 according to the 1996 survey breaks down as follows
(1) 136,467 and 515,202 women.
(2) 22.5% were employed full-time of which 61.2% were men.
(3) Of the 77.5% of the workforce who work part-time, 90.8% were women.
- 57.3% of full-time men receive bonus compared with 6.9% of full-time women (4.8% of part-time men and 2.6% of part-time women).
- Average hourly bonus earnings for full-time men receiving bonus were 159p compared [to] 94p for full-time women.
- The bonus "league" is topped by the almost exclusively male dominated refuse collection and roadworker groups (over 93% of both groups on bonus). By comparison the next biggest group is full-time male gardeners (81% on bonus), dropping away to male drivers (42% on bonus). The total number of full-time male employees in these 4 groups is 43,000 by comparison there are 222,000 part-time female catering staff, 1.6% of whom are on bonus.
- Of those receiving bonus, 46% of full-time mean have bonus earnings of less than 10% of basic pay, while over 95% off full-time women and part-time men and women earn less than 10% bonus.
- Almost 25% of full-time men have bonus earnings of 40% or more of basic pay.
10.19 Locally current figures produced in evidence suggested that the drivers were predominantly male but with leisure attendants 2 there was no significant difference and that leisure attendants 3 were predominantly male. All other claimants were predominantly women whereas their comparators were all male."
"10.25 On analysing all of this we have come to the conclusion on the facts that the Hartlepool Borough Council proportions of men and women were broadly the same as those nationally and that the same considerations applied in terms of bonus payments namely that with the exception already referred to in relation to the dinner ladies there were no bonus schemes which applied to women and that the schemes that did exist were occupations where positions were predominantly held by men. We also conclude as a fact that whatever difficulties might have been expressed in terms of arranging bonus schemes which would have applied to women no one was suggesting that it was impossible to do this. Rather, it had not been given consideration.
10.26 We also conclude as a fact that the bonus schemes all emanated out of wage pay freeze requirements of the 1970s and that particular reason for their existence disappeared many years ago. The fixed or spot bonuses, attendance bonus and unmeasured work elements were either for simply turning up for work or for being part of a team or for carrying out none [sic] productive work or even on holiday and could in no sense be said to constitute an incentive. In relation to measured schemes, save for the possible exception of priced worked schemes where there was constant downward revision of the targets, the basis of such schemes was carrying out of the work a reasonably competent worker could do acting with due diligence for example in relation to street cleaning and refuse collectors. We were unable otherwise to see how the targets for such schemes were decided. There was little evidence of reviews and reviews were, where they did take place, event driven such as the introduction of new systems or technologies like plastic bags and then wheelie bins in refuse collection and the updating of manual handling regulations in relation to road workers. While certain of the respondent's witnesses suggested that there had been an increase in productivity there appeared to be no way of separating out increases in productivity that might have arisen for quite different reasons namely increased efficiency as a result of better equipment or increased mechanisation or improved systems of work. The one element of the bonus scheme which was retained by Housing Hartlepool namely a cash incentive did involve proper monitoring and recording. There had been no consideration given as to whether any of the bonuses could be applied to the claimants. We could see no reason why a bonus could not be applied to cleaners and kitchen assistants as the respondent's witnesses appeared to accept. We could see no reason either why bonus could not be introduced on an unmeasured basis or qualitative basis as suggested by the claimants through customer surveys or appraisals where measured work would be inappropriate such as the case of a care assistant."
"28. We have concluded as a matter of fact based upon our primary findings of fact above that the bonus schemes with the exception of the cash incentive bonus retained by Hartlepool Housing were not the genuine reasons for the difference in pay and served to disguise the true reason which itself was tainted by sex.
29. The schemes were introduced as a result of Government Pay Policy which prevented Hartlepool Borough Council from providing pay increases to strong union based employees except under the guise of incentive schemes. The schemes, however, in many respects obviously did nothing of the sort. The attendance allowances, spot bonuses, unmeasured payments all clearly come into this category. To the extent to which performance was measured it was not measured on any basis which would improve productivity, but was rather tailored to the work already being done. Reviews and reassessments took place on the introduction of new technology, or new systems of work and it is impossible to conclude from them that the schemes had provided incentive at all despite what was, in some cases, quite a complicated arrangement.
30. The schemes created a disproportionate impact on women in all cases except the pool attendants and their introduction was therefore tainted by sex. We do not accept that this was mere accident, but was related to bonuses being paid to the powerfully union supported male dominated groups. There is significance in the fact that the only bonus paid to women was that paid to dinner ladies following the Cleveland case. The schemes were discriminatory when introduced, remained discriminatory and are still discriminatory on grounds of sex. These are not the same facts as found in Armstrong.
31. To the extent that the bonuses do provide a genuine material factor this relates solely to the cash incentive scheme. This requires to be justified objectively and the respondents have satisfied the Tribunal that they are reasonably necessary, although of limited application.
32. As we believe the detailed consideration of the nature of the work carried out by the claimants serves to show there are many aspects of their work which would be capable of as objective an assessment as is the case for the male dominated groups and while certain witnesses expressed difficulty in relation to bonus schemes for workers who were carers none suggested that it was impossible to arrange such a scheme."
(It is accepted that the first line of paragraph 30 should be read as "The schemes had a disproportionate … ").
Discussion and conclusions
The meaning of sham
" … It is, I think, necessary to consider, what, if any, legal concept is involved in the use of this popular and pejorative word. I apprehend that if it has any meaning in law, it means acts done or documents executed by the parties to the "sham" which are intended by them to give to third parties or to the court the appearance of creating between the parties legal rights and obligations different from the actual legal rights and obligations … "
In argument before us Mr Bowers withdrew that criticism and there is now no dispute as to the nature of the word "sham" which HHJ Peter Clark defined in Kings College London v Clark (EAT/1049/02) at paragraph 22:
"a sham or non-genuine explanation is a false one, designed to disguise the true reason for the difference in pay, itself tainted by sex"
The approach to Section 1(3)
"The scheme of the Act is that a rebuttable presumption of sex discrimination arises once the gender-based comparison shows that a woman, doing like work or work rated as equivalent or work of equal value to that of a man, is being paid or treated less favourably than the man. The variation between her contract and the man's contract is presumed to be due to the difference of sex. The burden passes to the employer to show that the explanation for the variation is not tainted with sex. In order to discharge this burden the employer must satisfy the tribunal on several matters. First, that the proffered explanation, or reason, is genuine, and not a sham or pretence. Second, that the less favourable treatment is due to this reason. The factor relied upon must be the cause of the disparity. In this regard, and in this sense, the factor must be a 'material' factor, that is, a significant and relevant factor. Third, that the reason is not 'the difference of sex'. This phrase is apt to embrace any form of sex discrimination, whether direct or indirect. Fourth, that the factor relied upon is or, in a case within section 1(2)(c), may be a 'material' difference, that is, a significant and relevant difference, between the woman's case and the man's case.
When section 1 is thus analysed, it is apparent that an employer who satisfies the third of these requirements is under no obligation to prove a 'good' reason for the pay disparity. In order to fulfil the third requirement he must prove the absence of sex discrimination, direct or indirect. If there is any evidence of sex discrimination, such as evidence that the difference in pay has a disparately adverse impact on women, the employer will be called upon to satisfy the tribunal that the difference in pay is objectively justifiable. But if the employer proves the absence of sex discrimination he is not obliged to justify the pay disparity."
"32…That passage sets out a step by step guide to proving a genuine material factor defence. For the purposes of this appeal, the steps can be summarised as follows:
(1) the complainant must produce a gender-based comparison showing that women doing like work, or work rated as equivalent or work of equal value to that of men, are being paid or treated less favourably than men. If the complainant can produce a gender-based comparison of this kind, a rebuttable presumption of sex discrimination arises.
(2) the employer must then show that the variation between the woman's contract and the man's contract is not tainted with sex, that is, that it is genuinely due to a material factor which is not the difference of sex. To do this, the employer must show each of the following matters:
(a) that the explanation for the variation is genuine.
(b) that the more favourable treatment of the man is due to that reason, and
(c) that the reason is not the difference of sex.
(3) if, but only if, the employer cannot show that the reason was not due to the difference of sex, he must show objective justification for the disparity between the woman's contract and the man's contract.
33 It follows from the Marshall case that there is no need for an employer to provide justification for a disparity unless the disparity is due to sex discrimination…
34 In the Marshall case, Lord Nicholls uses the words 'disparately adverse effect'. He held that evidence that a difference in pay had such an effect on women could be evidence of sex discrimination. He did not, however, hold that the mere fact that there was a disparately adverse effect was itself sex discrimination. In the Marshall case, Lord Nicholls used the phrase 'disparately adverse effect' to denote the trigger at which the rebuttable presumption of sex discrimination would arise under step 1 mentioned above."
"We have encountered wide scope for increasing the pace of economic growth by the more effective utilisation of manpower and the existing capital equipment …"
It is a useful definition and was accepted by Lord Donovan's Royal Commission on Trade Unions and Employers Associations 1968 (paragraph 295), which also noted this:
"With productivity as one of the main grounds for pay increases under incomes policy, there has been great pressure to develop productivity bargaining. Not all the agreements made under such pressure will necessarily be satisfactory." (paragraph 325)
"The schemes were discriminatory when introduced, remain discriminatory and are still discriminatory on grounds of sex."
In coming to that conclusion it paid attention to the submissions and evidence led by the Respondent as to the extent of monitoring, measurement, assessment, checking, supervision – they come to the same thing – said to be in place in order to ensure that the schemes were doing what they were supposed to do. It was the Respondent who urged this upon the Tribunal. We are mystified by the submission that the Tribunal erroneously considered the absence of proper monitoring when it came to that factual conclusion. Time and time again, the Tribunal cites those phrases and draws attention to the establishment of the Contract Management Unit designed to see that there was compliance. It held that these measures were not enough to satisfy it that the schemes were and continue to be genuinely intended to achieve improvements in productivity. Further, it demonstrated the correctness of its approach, by reference to one bonus scheme as to which it did uphold the Respondent's case, cash incentives, as they did involve proper monitoring and recording (see paragraphs 10.26 and 10.27).
"31. The incentive bonus schemes were at all material times and are agreed with the relevant trade unions. They vary in their nature and as to the level of payment achievable according to the nature of the work being undertaken.
32. The use of such incentive/bonus schemes to meet the objectives of the Respondent in providing an efficient service to the public in the areas of work in which the comparators are involved was at all material times and is objectively justifiable, if the same needs to be justified which is denied. The justification is as follows:
a. The difference in pay between the relevant Claimants and the above comparators is explained by the fact that the comparators enjoy the above incentive bonuses whereas the Claimants do not.
b. The incentive schemes under which the comparators derive an additional element to their pay were and are aimed at enhancing productivity and efficiency and improving standards in those areas where they exist in return for increased earnings."
"Whilst accepting that differences in rates of pay historically were due to separate bargaining processes, which themselves were untainted by sex, the question remained whether at the relevant date (January 1986) the difference between workers had been shown by the Corporation to be objectively justified on grounds other than sex.
Education drivers and leisure attendants
"28. Possibly the most helpful exegesis we have been shown is that of Cox J in the EAT decision in Armstrong v Ministry of Defence [2004] IRLR 672. Having explained why, in the EAT's judgment, "the concept of indirect discrimination under the Equal Pay Act, when read together with European equal pay legislation and case law, is broader than that which applies under the Sex Discrimination Act 1975", Cox J held (§46):
'The fundamental question for the tribunal is whether there is a causative link between the applicant's sex and the fact that she is paid less than the true value of her job as reflected in the pay of her named comparator. The link may be established in a variety of different ways, depending on the facts of the case. It may arise, for example, as a result of job segregation or from pay structures or pay practices which disadvantage women because they are likely to have shorter service or to work less hours than men, due to historical discrimination or disadvantage, or because of the traditional social role of women and their family responsibilities.'
Carrying this broad methodology into the assessment of adverse impact, the tribunal will be concerned to make a comparison which illuminates such of these questions as seem to them potentially critical (here, for instance, the need for female cabin crew with childcare responsibilities to have shorter and more flexible working hours), and to find a pool which best helps them to do this. A pool so narrow that no comparison can be made at all is unlikely to serve this end; nor a pool so large that the comparison is no longer of like with like; though in rare cases the nature of the claim may drive the tribunal to one of these extremes and make the claim self-defeating.
35. In my judgment the pool taken by the employment tribunal in the present case passes this test. It has to be kept in mind, as I said earlier in this judgment, that the test is being applied in a case like the present one not in order to see if a complaint of indirect discrimination is made out but in order to see whether a disparity in pay is explained by a material and non-discriminatory factor. The tribunal's task, subject to what the exercise will logically bear, is to identify a cohort within which the defence can be objectively tested. The Watford tribunal did this, looking at both the advantaged and the disadvantaged groups but focusing on the latter, and found systemic discrimination with the result that the defence failed. Mr Jeans' case is that the reverse process would – as Ms McNeill accepts – show no systemic discrimination; but unless he can demonstrate an error of law in the tribunal's choice, he faces a finding of fact which, like many findings of fact, may be debatable but is legally impregnable. In my judgment no such error can be shown. Contrary to Mr Jeans' unqualified submission, there is no principle of law which requires the fact-finding tribunal always to base its test of disparity on the advantaged cohort. British Airways must live with the finding of disparate impact.
"10.19 … the drivers were predominantly male… All other Claimants were in work groups predominantly female whereas their Comparators were in all male work groups.
30 … the schemes had a disproportionate impact on women in all cases except the pool attendants"
Painters
Disposal