Privy Council Appeal No. 53 of 2003
Owen Robert Jennings Appellant
v.
Roger Edward Wyndham Buchanan Respondent
FROM
THE COURT OF APPEAL OF NEW ZEALAND
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JUDGMENT OF THE LORDS OF THE JUDICIAL
COMMITTEE OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL,
Delivered the 14th July 2004
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Present at the hearing:-
Lord Bingham of Cornhill
Lord Scott of Foscote
Lord Walker of Gestingthorpe
Baroness Hale of Richmond
Dame Sian Elias
[Delivered by Lord Bingham of Cornhill]
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"whether a Member of Parliament may be held liable in defamation if the Member makes a defamatory statement in the House of Representatives – a statement which is protected by absolute privilege under article 9 of the Bill of Rights 1688 – and later affirms the statement (but without repeating it) on an occasion which is not protected by privilege."
The majority concluded (paragraph [1]) that a member may be held liable and that the defendant had been rightly held liable in this case. Tipping J dissented from this conclusion. He held (paragraph [130]) that repetition to whatever extent by an MP of words spoken in the House becomes actionable only if the words spoken or written outside the House are defamatory in themselves, on a stand-alone basis, without the need for reference to any words spoken in the House.
"Jennings said he did not resile from his claim about the officials' relationship …"
Absolute privilege
"That the freedom of speech and debates or proceedings in Parliament ought not to be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Parliament."
While the meaning of this historic and important provision must not be whittled away, it is plain that it cannot be read entirely literally. As the Joint Committee on Parliamentary Privilege, of which Lord Nicholls of Birkenhead was the chairman, pointed out in its Report (Session 1998-1999, HL Paper 43-I, HC 214-I, paragraph 91),
"To read the phrase ['place out of Parliament'] as meaning literally anywhere outside Parliament would be absurd. It would prevent the public and the media from freely discussing and criticising proceedings in Parliament. That cannot be right, and this meaning has never been suggested. Freedom for the public and the media to discuss parliamentary proceedings outside Parliament is as essential to a healthy democracy as the freedom of members to discuss what they choose within Parliament."
As it is, parliamentary proceedings are televised and recorded. They are transcribed in Hansard. They are reported in the press, sometimes less fully than parliamentarians would wish. They form a staple of current affairs and news programmes on the radio and television. They inform and stimulate public debate. All this is highly desirable, since the legislature is representative of the whole nation. Thus, as the Joint Committee observed in its executive summary (page 1):
"This legal immunity is comprehensive and absolute. Article 9 should therefore be confined to activities justifying such a high degree of protection, and its boundaries should be clear."
In similar vein, Viscount Radcliffe, delivering the judgment of the Board in Attorney-General of Ceylon v de Livera [1963] AC 103, 120 ruled:
"…. there is no doubt that the proper meaning of the words 'proceedings in Parliament' is influenced by the context in which they appear in article 9 of the Bill of Rights (1 Wm & M, Sess,. 2, c.2); but the answer given to that somewhat more limited question depends upon a very similar consideration, in what circumstances and in what situations is a member of the House exercising his 'real' or 'essential' function as a member? For, given the proper anxiety of the House to confine its own or its members' privileges to the minimum infringement of the liberties of others, it is important to see that those privileges do not cover activities that are not squarely within a member's true function."
"Article 9
If article 9 is looked at alone, the question is whether it would infringe the article to suggest that the statements made in the House were improper or the legislation procured in pursuance of the alleged conspiracy, as constituting impeachment or questioning of the freedom of speech of Parliament.
In addition to article 9 itself, there is a long line of authority which supports a wider principle, of which article 9 is merely one manifestation, viz, that the courts and Parliament are both astute to recognise their respective constitutional roles. So far as the courts are concerned they will not allow any challenge to be made to what is said or done within the walls of Parliament in performance of its legislative functions and protection of its established privileges: Burdett v Abbot (1811) 14 East 1; Stockdale v Hansard (1839) 9 Ad & El 1; Bradlaugh v Gossett (1884) 12 QBD 271; British Railways Board v Pickin [1974] AC 765; Pepper v Hart [1993] AC 593. As Blackstone said in his Commentaries, 17th ed (1830), vol 1, p 163:
'….the whole of the law and custom of Parliament has its original from this one maxim, 'that whatever matter arises concerning either House of Parliament, ought to be examined, discussed, and adjudged in that House to which it relates, and not elsewhere'."
The Solicitor General placed reliance on this passage as highlighting the important constitutional principle that Parliament and the courts should not intrude into the sphere reserved to the other. He suggested that the Court of Appeal majority had somewhat neglected that principle, instead concentrating on the principle that Members of Parliament must enjoy untrammelled freedom of speech. On this aspect, referring to a decision of Hunt J in R v Murphy (1986) 64 ALR 498 in the New South Wales Supreme Court, Lord Browne-Wilkinson said ([1995] 1 AC 321, 333-334; [1994] 3 NZLR 1, 8):
"Finally, Hunt J based himself on a narrow construction of article 9, derived from the historical context in which it was originally enacted. He correctly identified the mischief sought to be remedied in 1688 as being, inter alia, the assertion by the King's Courts of a right to hold a Member of Parliament criminally or legally liable for what he had done or said in Parliament. From this he deduced the principle that article 9 only applies to cases in which a court is being asked to expose the maker of the statement to legal liability for what he has said in Parliament. This view discounts the basic concept underlying art 9, viz the need to ensure so far as possible that a member of the legislature and witnesses before committees of the House can speak freely without fear that what they say will later be held against them in the courts. The important public interest protected by such privilege is to ensure that the member or witness at the time he speaks is not inhibited from stating fully and freely what he has to say. If there were any exceptions which permitted his statements to be questioned subsequently, at the time when he speaks in Parliament he would not know whether or not there would subsequently be a challenge to what he is saying. Therefore he would not have the confidence the privilege is designed to protect.
Moreover to allow it to be suggested in cross-examination or submission that a member or witness was lying to the House could lead to exactly that conflict between the courts and Parliament which the wider principle of non-intervention is designed to avoid. Misleading the House is a contempt of the House punishable by the House; if a court were also to be permitted to decide whether or not a member or witness had misled the House there would be a serious risk of conflicting decisions on the issue."
Finally, Lord Browne-Wilkinson turned to the public policy or human rights issues which can give rise to conflict and said ([1995] 1 AC 321, 336-337; [1994] 3 NZLR 1, 10-11):
"There are three such issues in play in these cases: first, the need to ensure that the legislature can exercise its powers freely on behalf of its electors, with access to all relevant information; second, the need to protect freedom of speech generally; third, the interests of justice in ensuring that all relevant evidence is available to the courts. Their Lordships are of the view that the law has been long settled that, of these three public interests, the first must prevail. But the other two public interests cannot be ignored and Their Lordships will revert to them in considering the question of a stay of proceedings.
For these reasons (which are in substance those of the courts below) their Lordships are of the view that parties to litigation, by whomsoever commenced, cannot bring into question anything said or done in the House by suggesting (whether by direct evidence, cross-examination, inference or submission) that the actions or words were inspired by improper motives or were untrue or misleading. Such matters lie entirely within the jurisdiction of the House, subject to any statutory exception such as exists in New Zealand in relation to perjury under section 108 of the Crimes Act 1961. However, their Lordships wish to make it clear that this principle does not exclude all references in court proceedings to what has taken place in the House. In the past, Parliament used to assert a right, separate from the privilege of freedom of speech enshrined in article 9, to restrain publication of its proceedings. Formerly the procedure was to petition the House for leave to produce Hansard in court. Since 1980 this right has no longer been generally asserted by the United Kingdom Parliament and their Lordships understood from the Attorney-General that in practice the House of Representatives in New Zealand no longer asserts the right. A number of the authorities on the scope of article 9 betray some confusion between the right to prove the occurrence of Parliamentary events and the embargo on questioning their propriety. In particular, it is questionable whether Rost v Edwards [1990] 2 QB 460 was rightly decided.
Since there can no longer be any objection to the production of Hansard, the Attorney-General accepted (in Their Lordships' view rightly) that there could be no objection to the use of Hansard to prove what was done and said in Parliament as a matter of history. Similarly, he accepted that the fact that a statute had been passed is admissible in court proceedings. Thus, in the present action, there cannot be any objection to it being proved what the plaintiff or the Prime Minister said in the House (particulars 8.2.10 and 8.2.14) or that the State-Owned Enterprises Act 1986 was passed (particulars 8.4.1). It will be for the trial Judge to ensure that the proof of these historical facts is not used to suggest that the words were improperly spoken or the statute passed to achieve an improper purpose.
It is clear that, on the pleadings as they presently stand, the defendants intend to rely on these matters not purely as a matter of history but as part of the alleged conspiracy or its implementation. Therefore, in their Lordships' view, Smellie J was right to strike them out. But their Lordships wish to make it clear that if the defendants wish at the trial to allege the occurrence of events or the saying of certain words in Parliament without any accompanying allegation of impropriety or any other questioning there is no objection to that course."
"It is in my judgment firmly established that courts are precluded from entertaining in any proceedings (whatever the issue which may be at stake in those proceedings) evidence, questioning or submissions designed to show that a witness in parliamentary proceedings deliberately misled Parliament. To mislead Parliament is itself a breach of the code of parliamentary behaviour and liable to be disciplined by Parliament: see Church of Scientology of California v Johnson-Smith [1972] 1 QB 522 and Pickin v British Railways Board [1974] AC 765, 800, per Lord Simon of Glaisdale. For the courts to entertain a question whether Parliament had been deliberately misled would be for the courts to trespass within the area in which Parliament has exclusive jurisdiction."
Hyams v Peterson [1991] 3 NZLR 648 raised a number of points relevant to identification of the plaintiff, but none relevant to this appeal. Delivering the judgment of the Court of Appeal, Cooke P said (at page 656):
"The point has nothing to do with the scope of parliamentary privilege. In Church of Scientology of California v Johnson-Smith [1972] 1 QB 522, Browne J accepted that what is said or done in the House in the course of proceedings there cannot be examined outside Parliament for the purpose of supporting a cause of action, even though the cause of action itself arises out of something done outside the House. That was a case where support for an allegation of malice to refute a plea of fair comment was sought, unsuccessfully, from a reading of Hansard. The limits of the principle for which the case stands do not now arise for discussion. The plaintiff in the present case is not seeking to refer to any parliamentary proceedings, only to reports of parliamentary proceedings. In no way is the plaintiff, in the word used in the Bill of Rights 1688, 'questioning' what was said in Parliament. In no way does he seek, as Blackstone put it in a passage mentioned in the Scientology case, to have proceedings in Parliament 'examined, discussed and adjudged'."
"204. No parliamentary privilege attaches to the repetition outside Parliament of statements previously made in the course of Parliamentary proceedings.
205. The same principle must clearly apply to a member who verifies such a statement outside Parliament, for example, by saying 'every word I spoke in yesterday's Debate was true', or who in a statement outside Parliament extends a statement previously made in Parliament, for example, by saying 'Mr. X is a good example of the class of persons I criticised in Parliament yesterday'."
The report went on to discuss possible difficulties where a statement in Parliament is relied on to support a legal innuendo. The issue of republication by reference arose for decision in the Supreme Court of Victoria in Beitzel v Crabb [1992] 2 VR 121. The defendant, a Member of Parliament, had made very serious criticisms of the plaintiff in Parliament on 17 November 1989. In the course of a radio interview on 30 January 1990 he was asked about his remarks in Parliament and replied that he stood by what he had said. The plaintiff founded his claim on the defendant's confirmation on 30 January of what he had earlier said. The defendant relied on absolute privilege as a ground for striking out or staying the action. He was unsuccessful. Hampel J observed (at page 127):
"The cause of action in this case lies in the publication by [the defendant] by adoption and repetition outside Parliament of words spoken by him in Parliament and published in the media.
It is a well-established principle that members of Parliament may be held liable for afterwards publishing words spoken by them in Parliament, provided that the cause of action is founded on that subsequent publication ..."
At page 128 the judge continued:
"Whether what is said outside Parliament amounts to a publication of defamatory words is a mixed question of fact and law. Although there is no direct authority on the question as to whether the words spoken by a member of Parliament in an interview and at a press conference constitute adoption and repetition of the words spoken in Parliament and hence amount to a publication of the defamatory allegations, there is authority consistent with such a proposition. In Meurant v Raubenheimer (1868) 1 Buch, AC 87 (Buchanan's Reports of the Appeal Court of the Supreme Court of the Cape of Good Hope), the seconding of a defamatory resolution proposed by another was held to constitute an adoption and repetition of the defamation. In Spike v Golding (1895) 27 NSR 379, a statement referring to a libellous article previously published and claiming that the publisher could prove the allegations in the first article was held to constitute actionable republication. In Griffiths v Lewis (1845) 14 LJQB 197, it was held that if a person has uttered defamatory words of another, and subsequently on being asked whether he used those words, he says he did and says no more, any action for defamation must be on the words previously spoken. However, if the person who makes the statement goes further in response to the question and says he can prove the statement and repeats the words, he can, according to the decision in Freeman v Poppe (1905) 25 NZLR 529 be sued on the words so repeated.
It is undoubtedly arguable on the facts of this case that, despite the fact that the words previously spoken in Parliament were not subsequently repeated, there would be a sufficient temporal and substantive connection made by the listening public between the words spoken in Parliament by [the defendant] which were repeated in the media and the comments by him in the press conference and interview of 30 January 1990 for there to have been a defamatory publication by adoption by [the defendant] on that day.
It was of course strongly argued on behalf of the applicant that the plaintiff's claim was, on the pleadings, unsustainable, because it was founded on the words spoken in Parliament, which were absolutely privileged. In my view, however, the plaintiff's claim is founded on the publication by [the defendant] on 30 January 1990. Although this is not as clearly enunciated as it might have been, in this context I consider that paras 9 and 10 of the pleadings do indicate that this is the basis of the plaintiff's cause of action. As the plaintiff's cause of action lies in the publication by [the defendant] on 30 January 1990, a related issue may arise as to the extent to which, if any, Hansard, may be tendered to prove what was said by [the defendant] in Parliament on 17 November 1989. For the purposes of the application before me, however, I do not consider it necessary to decide this question."
"A more difficult question is whether reliance in this way on what the first defendant said in parliament impeaches or questions parliamentary proceedings, in particular whether it impairs the first defendant's freedom of speech in parliament. I do not think that it does. The first defendant was free to say what he did in Parliament.
No impropriety is alleged against the first defendant in respect of what he said in parliament. What is alleged against him in the statement of claim is that what he said outside parliament was false and defamatory of the plaintiff. It is true that proof that what the first defendant said outside parliament was false will also prove that what he said in parliament was false. But that is because he incorporated the latter in his statements outside parliament. The privilege of Art 9 applies to the statements in parliament but not to the statements made out of parliament even though they incorporated by reference the statements made in parliament."
"42. As a prelude, a practical point should be noted. The use of reports of debates in court proceedings was facilitated by the removal of a formal obstacle comparatively recently. From at least 1818 the practice in the House of Commons was that its debates and proceedings could not be referred to in court proceedings without the leave of the House. Petitions for leave were rarely refused, and in order to save parliamentary time the House decided in 1981 to discontinue the need for such leave. When doing so the House expressly re-affirmed the status of proceedings in Parliament confirmed by article 9 of the Bill of Rights. The practice of requiring leave to refer to proceedings was never followed in the House of Lords. One effect of the 1981 change has been that the use of Hansard in court proceedings has increased. The oft quoted statement of Blackstone in his celebrated eighteenth century Commentaries that 'whatever matter arises concerning either House of Parliament, ought to be examined, discussed, and adjudged in that House to which it relates, and not elsewhere' is now accepted as being too wide and sweeping."
In New Zealand, the Standing Orders of the House of Representatives (Standing Order 396(1)) provide that permission of the House is not required for reference to be made to proceedings in Parliament in any proceedings before a court. The Joint Committee found the development of the law in Pepper v Hart [1993] AC 593 to be unobjectionable (paragraph 45). It also considered the use of ministerial statements in Parliament in judicial review proceedings and said (paragraph 49):
"49. Use of Hansard in this way has now occurred sufficiently often for the courts to regard it as established practice. Some examples will suffice as illustrations. In several cases challenges were made to the lawfulness of successive policy statements, announced in Parliament, regarding changes in the system for the parole of prisoners. In each case the court proceedings involved scrutinising the ministerial decisions and the explanations given by the minister in Parliament. In [R v Secretary of State for the Home Department Ex p Brind [1991] 1 AC 696] (broadcasting restrictions on terrorists) a ministerial statement in Parliament was used as evidence that the minister had exercised his power properly. In the Pergau Dam case [R v Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, Ex p World Development Movement Ltd [1995] 1 WLR 386] evidence given by the minister and an official to committees of the House of Commons was used in support of a successful claim that the decision to grant aid for the construction of the Pergau Dam in Malaysia did not accord with the enabling Act. In a criminal injuries compensation case, the Home Secretary announced in Parliament his decision not to bring into force the statutory compensation scheme but instead to introduce a tariff-based scheme under prerogative powers [R v Secretary of State for the Home Department, Ex p Fire Brigades Union [1995] 2 AC 513]. In none of these cases does any argument seem to have been advanced, by the government or anyone else, about the admissibility in evidence or the use in court of the statements made in Parliament. Indeed, the practice in court is for both the applicants and the government to use the official reports of both Houses to indicate what is the government's policy in a particular area."
Thus it cannot now be said, as it once perhaps could, that mere reference to or production of a record of what was said in Parliament infringes article 9. In A v United Kingdom (2002) 36 EHRR 917, the European Court of Human Rights recorded (in paragraph 23):
"Statements made by MPs outside the Houses of Parliament are subject to the ordinary laws of defamation and breach of confidence, save where they are protected by qualified privilege."
It went on to observe (in paragraph 84):
"84. Furthermore, the immunity afforded to MPs in the United Kingdom appears to the Court to be in several respects narrower than that afforded to members of national legislatures in certain other signatory States and those afforded to Representative to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe and Members of the European Parliament. In particular, the immunity attaches only to statements made in the course of parliamentary debates on the floor of the House of Commons or House of Lords. No immunity attaches to statements made outside Parliament, even if they amount to a repetition of statements made during the course of Parliamentary debates on matters of public interest. Nor does any immunity attach to an MP's press statements published prior to parliamentary debates, even if their contents are repeated subsequently in the debate itself."