Parliamentary
Archives,
HL/PO/JU/18/245
In re Wheeler and others
JUDGMENT
Die Jovis 25° Julii 1985
Upon Report from the Appellate Committee to
whom was
referred the Cause In re Wheeler and others, That
the
Committee had heard Counsel on Wednesday the 10th day of
this
instant July upon the Petition and Appeal of Peter
John
Wheeler of The Brackens, Ragdale, Leicestershire,
William
Henry Hare of Wheatholme Farm, South Clifton,
Newark,
Nottinghamshire, Graham George Willans of 44
Dumbleton
Avenue, Leicester, Peter Herbert of 35 Rowley Fields
Avenue,
Leicester, Kevin Andrews of 1 Whitehall Road,
Evington,
Leicester and John Albert Allen of 60 Dorchester
Road,
Leicester praying that the matter of the Order set forth
in
the Schedule thereto, namely an Order of Her Majesty's Court
of
Appeal of the 14th day of March 1985, might be reviewed
before Her
Majesty the Queen in Her Court of Parliament and
that the said
Order might be reversed, varied or altered or
that the Petitioners
might have such other relief in the
premises as to Her Majesty the
Queen in Her Court of
Parliament might seem meet; as also upon the
Case of the
Leicester City Council lodged in answer to the said
Appeal,
and due consideration had this day of what was offered
on
either side in this Cause:
It is Ordered and Adjudged, by
the Lords Spiritual and
Temporal in the Court of Parliament of Her
Majesty the Queen
assembled, That the said Order of Her Majesty's
Court of
Appeal of the 14th day of March 1985 complained of in
the
said Appeal be, and the same is hereby, Set Aside: And
it is
further Ordered, That an Order of certiorari issue to
quash
the decision of 21st August 1984: And it is further
Ordered,
That the case be, and the same is hereby, remitted
back to
the Queen's Bench Division with liberty to the Appellants
to
apply for such further relief as may be thought necessary
to
protect their rights: And it is also further Ordered,
That
the Respondents do pay or cause to be paid to the
said
Appellants the Costs incurred by them in the Courts below
and
also the Costs incurred by them in respect of the said
Appeal
to this House, the amount of such last-mentioned Costs
to be
certified by the Clerk of the Parliaments if not agreed
between
the parties.
Cler: Parliamentor:
HOUSE OF LORDS
IN RE WHEELER AND OTHERS (ENGLAND)
Lord Roskill
Lord Bridge of
Harwich
Lord Brightman
Lord Templeman
Lord Griffiths
LORD ROSKILL
My Lords,
This is an appeal by members of
the Leicester Football Club
("the club") suing on their
own behalf and on behalf of all other
members of the club. In
reality it is an appeal by the club and I
shall so treat it. It is
brought by leave of the Court of Appeal
(Ackner and
Browne-Wilkinson L.33. and Sir George Waller) [1985]
2 All E.R.
151. That court on 14 March 1985, by a majority,
Browne-Wilkinson
L.J. dissenting, dismissed an appeal by the club
against the
refusal of Forbes 3. on 27 September 1984 to grant
the club
judicial review of a decision by the respondents, Leicester
City
Council ("the council"), on 21 August 1984. That decision
is
recorded in minute 46 of the council's Policy and
Resources
Committee in the following terms:
"RESOLVED; that the
Leicester Football Club be suspended
from using the Welford Road
recreation ground for a period
of 12 months and that the situation
be reviewed at the end
of that period in the light of the club's
attitude to sporting
links with South Africa."
As a result of the passing of that
resolution, the club
applied for a judicial review of the decision
for the purpose of
quashing it, for a declaration that it was of
no effect and for an
injunction preventing (inter alia) the
implementation of the
resolution. On 10 September 1984 Otton J.
gave the club leave to
move for judicial review and, pending the
hearing of the motion,
granted the injunction sought. As already
stated, Forbes 3.
refused the relief sought and since the appeal
to the Court of
Appeal failed, the club has remained banned from
the use of the
Welford Road recreation ground save for training
purposes, this
last by virtue of a concession later made by the
council in
circumstances to which I will refer in due course.
My Lords, the background to this
unfortunate dispute
between a rugby football club of renown, now
over a century old,
and the council is fully stated in the
judgments below. I
gratefully adopt those statements for in truth
the relevant facts
are not in dispute. But some reference to the
facts is essential
for the proper understanding of the issues
involved.
The story starts with the
announcement by the Rugby
Football Union ("R.F.U.") on
30 March 1984 that they had accepted
and invitation to take a
touring side to South Africa. On 19 April
1984, the membership of
this side was announced. The
membership included three well known
members of the club. All
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three were regular England
players. It should be mentioned that
the club does not have any
direct representation on the R.F.U. It
has one representative on
the Leicestershire Rugby Union and the
latter body has one
representative on the main committee of the
R.F.U.
On 11 April 1984 Mr. John Allen,
the secretary and a
former captain of the club, was telephoned by
the assistant chief
executive of the council and asked if
representatives of the club
would attend a meeting with Mr.
Soulsby, the leader of the council
in connection with the
projected tour and the participation in it of
the club's three
members.
That meeting took place on 12
April 1984. Mr. Soulsby
read out four questions. These four
question had been recorded in
writing but no copies were given to
the club representatives at the
meeting. Since I attach importance
to the content of these four
questions, both individually and
collectively, I record them in full:
"1. Does the Leicester
Football Club support the
Government opposition to the tour?
"2. Does the Leicester
Football Club agree that the tour
is an insult to the large
proportion of the Leicester
population?
"3. Will the Leicester
Football Club press the Rugby
Football Union to call off the tour?
"4. Will the Leicester
Football Club press the players to
pull out of the tour?"
Mr. Allen told Mr. Soulsby he
would take the questions back to
the committee of the club and
would return for a further meeting
on 8 May 1984. At that latter
meeting it was made plain by Mr.
Soulsby - Mr. Allen's affidavit
was not contradicted on this matter
- that "the club's
response would only be acceptable if in effect
all four questions
were answered in the affirmative."
On 14 May 1984 Mr. Allen again
wrote to Mr. Soulsby and
handed him a written statement of the
club's response. I set this
out in full:
"Leicester Football Club have
always enjoyed cordial
relations with Leicester City Council on a
strictly non-
political basis and seek to continue that
relationship. The
club join with the council in condemning
apartheid but
recognise that there are differences of opinion over
the way
in which the barriers of apartheid can be broken down.
The
government have not declared sporting contacts illegal or
even
applied sanctions against those involved in tours. Their
opposition
is on an advisory basis, similar to the advice to
athletes at the
time of the Moscow Olympics, leaving the
decision to the
individuals concerned. The decision by the
Rugby Football Union to
approve the tour was taken by a
large majority of their committee,
but the club had
forwarded to the Leicestershire Rugby Union, the
club's
constituent body, the anti-apartheid case against the
tour,
which merits serious consideration. Rugby Union players as
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amateur sportsmen have individual
choice as to when and
where they play, subject only to the
constraints of R.F.U.
rules and club loyalty. However, the club,
having read the
memorandum to the R.F.U., prepared by the
anti-apartheid
movement, and accepting the serious nature of its
contents,
have supplied copies to the tour players and asked them
to
seriously consider the contents before finally reaching
a
decision whether to tour. The club are and always have
been
multi-racial and will continue that principle for the
benefit of
Leicester and rugby football."
Mr. Soulsby said he noted the
club's response but added that
he did not think "it would
have gone far enough to satisfy the
membership of the controlling
Labour group on the council."
This meeting was followed by
various statements through the
media and elsewhere that the
council were considering sanctions
against the club for what the
council regarded as the club's failure
to discourage its members
from taking part in the South African
tour.
No solution was found during the
ensuing weeks. On 21
August 1984, the resolution banning the club
from the use of the
Welford Road recreation ground was passed in
the terms which I
have already mentioned. This resolution was
subsequently notified
to the club. Mr. Small, the club's solicitor
and also one of its
members, wrote on 30 August 1984 to ask
whether the ban
included a ban on using the recreation ground for
training. A
brief reply, dated 31 August 1984, indicated that the
ban was
intended to be total. The letter, over the signature of
the
assistant chief executive, included these sentences:
"It was and is the council's
intention to prevent members of
the Tigers training on the
recreation ground in the evenings
as well as banning the use of
the rugby pitch for club
matches. For the ban on training the
council would seek to
rely on Byelaw 16 of the Parks Byelaws and
would maintain
that the use of the recreation ground by the Tigers
would
per se interfere with other use of the recreation ground."
Mr. Small, whose evidence
on this matter was not contradicted,
was subsequently told
by Mr. Stephenson that if the club tried to
train on the
ground the floodlighting would be disconnected and
this
would be effective to prevent training.
By the time the matter was before
Forbes 3. it was
recognised that this reliance on Byelaw 16 was
indefensible. I say
no more about it save to express regret that
the contention should
ever have been advanced. Any defence of the
council's action
based on the Race Relations Act 1976, however
well founded,
could not possibly have extended to justify a ban on
training, as
Forbes 3. pointed out.
The reasons for the imposition of
the ban are clearly set
out in paragraph 13 of Mr. Soulsby's
affidavit. I quote that
paragraph in full:
"I refute any suggestion that
the purported sanction against
the club was imposed in response to
the actions of their
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players. I wish to make it clear
that the action taken by
the council was in response to the
attitude taken by the
club in failing to condemn the tour and to
discourage its
members from playing. The council has taken its
steps
therefore because of what the club did or did not do. It
was
always recognised that the club were not in the position
of
employers and could not instruct their players. However,
the club
is, as the applicants' evidence shows, a premier
rugby football
club and an influential member of the Rugby
Football Union. At no
time was the club asked to do
anything by the city council which
was beyond their powers
to do. The steps taken by the city council
have not been
taken in order to penalise the club for having
members who
went to South Africa, still less, to penalise the club
in
order to penalise the players."
It is important to emphasise that
there was nothing illegal
in the action of the three members in
joining the tour. The
Government policy recorded in the well known
Gleneagles
agreement has never been given the force of law at the
instance
of any Government, whatever its political complexion, and
a person
who acts otherwise than in accordance with the principles
of that
agreement, commits no offence even though he may by his
action
earn the moral disapprobation of large numbers of his
fellow
citizens. That the club condemns apartheid, as does the
council,
admits of no doubt. But the council's actions against the
club
were not taken, as already pointed out, because the club took
no
action against its three members. They were taken, according to
Mr.
Soulsby, because the club failed to condemn the tour and
to
discourage its members from playing. The same point was
put
more succinctly by Mr. Sullivan Q.C., who appeared for the
council
- "The club failed to align themselves
whole-heartedly with the
council on a controversial issue."
The club did not condemn the
tour. They did not give specific
affirmative answers to the first
two questions. Thus, so the
argument ran, the council,
legitimately bitterly hostile to the
policy of apartheid, were
justified in exercising their statutory
discretion to determine by
whom the recreation ground should be
used so as to exclude those,
such as the club, who would not
support the council's policy on
the council's terms. The club had,
however, circulated to those
involved the powerfully reasoned and
impressive memorandum
which had been sent to the R.F.U. on 12
March 1984 by the anti-
apartheid movement. Of the club's own
opposition to apartheid as
expressed in its memorandum which was
given to Mr. Soulsby,
there is no doubt. But the club recognised
that those views, like
those of the council, however passionately
held by some, were by
no means universally held, especially by
those who sincerely
believed that the evils of apartheid were
enhanced rather than
diminished by a total prohibition of all
sporting links with South
Africa.
The council's main defence rested
on section 71 of the Race
Relations Act 1976. That section appears
as the first section in
Part X of the Act under the cross-heading
"supplemental." For
ease of reference I will set out the
section in full:
"71. Without prejudice to
their obligation to comply with
any other provision of this Act,
it shall be the duty of
every local authority to make appropriate
arrangements with
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a view to securing that their
various functions are carried
out with due regard to the need -
(a) to eliminate unlawful
racial discrimination; and (b)
to promote equality of
opportunity, and good relations, between
persons of different
racial groups."
My Lords, it was strenuously
argued on behalf of the club
that this section should be given
what was called a "narrow"
construction. It was
suggested that the section was only
concerned with the actions of
the council as regards its own
internal behaviour and was what was
described as "inward looking."
The section had no
relevance to the general exercise by the
council or indeed of any
local authority of their statutory
functions, as for example in
relation to the control of open spaces
or in determining who
should be entitled to use a recreation
ground and on what terms.
It was said that the section was
expressed in terms of a "duty."
But it did not impose any duty so
as to compel the exercise by a
local authority of other statutory
functions in order to achieve
the objectives of the Act of 1976.
My Lords, in respectful agreement
with both courts below, I
unhesitatingly reject this argument. I
think the whole purpose of
this section is to see that in relation
to matters other than those
specifically dealt with, for example,
in Part II, employment, and in
Part HI, education, local
authorities must in relation to "their
various functions"
make "appropriate arrangements" to secure that
those
functions are carried out "with due regard to the
need"
mentioned in the section.
It follows that I do not doubt
that the council were fully
entitled in exercising their statutory
discretion under, for example,
the Open Spaces Act 1906 and the
various Public Health Acts,
which are all referred to in the
judgments below, to pay regard to
what they thought was in the
best interests of race relations.
The only question is, therefore,
whether the action of the
council of which the club complains is
susceptible of attack by
way of judicial review. It was forcibly
argued by Mr. Sullivan
Q.C. for the council, that once it was
accepted, as I do accept,
that section 71 bears the construction
for which the council
contended, the matter became one of
political judgment only, and
that by interfering the courts would
be trespassing across that line
which divides a proper exercise of
a statutory discretion based on
a political judgment, in relation
to which the courts must not and
will not interfere, from an
improper exercise of such a discretion
in relation to which the
courts will interfere.
My Lords, the House recently had
to consider problems of
this nature in Council of Civil Service
Unions v. Minister for the
Civil Service [1984] 3 WLR 1174.
In his speech at p. 1196 of the
report, my noble and learned
friend Lord Diplock classified three
already well established
heads or sets of circumstances in which
the court will interfere.
First, illegality, second, irrationality and
third, procedural
impropriety. If I may be forgiven for referring
to my own speech
in the case, a similar analysis appears on p.
1200 of the report.
Those three heads are not exhaustive, and as
Lord Diplock pointed
out, further grounds may hereafter require to
be added. Nor are
they necessarily mutually exclusive.
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To my mind the crucial question is
whether the conduct of
the council in trying by their four
questions, whether taken
individually or collectively, to force
acceptance by the club of
their own policy (however proper that
policy may be) on their own
terms, as for example, by forcing them
to lend their considerable
prestige to a public condemnation of
the tour, can be said either
to be so "unreasonable" as
to give rise to "Wednesbury
unreasonableness"
(Associated Provincial Picture Houses Ltd, v.
Wednesbury
Corporation [1948] 1 KB 223) or to be so fundamental
a
breach of the duty to act fairly which rests upon every
local
authority in matters of this kind and thus justify
interference by
the courts.
I do not for one moment doubt the
great importance which
the council attach to the presence in their
midst of a 25 per cent,
population of persons who are either Asian
or of Afro-Caribbean
origin. Nor do I doubt for one moment the
sincerity of the view
expressed in Mr. Soulsby's affidavit
regarding the need for the
council to distance itself from bodies
who hold important positions
and who do not actively discourage
sporting contacts with South
Africa. Persuasion, even powerful
persuasion, is always a
permissible way of seeking to obtain an
objective. But in a field
where other views can equally
legitimately be held, persuasion,
however powerful, must not be
allowed to cross that line where it
moves into the field of
illegitimate pressure coupled with the
threat of sanctions. The
four questions, coupled with the
insistence that only affirmative
answers to all four would be
acceptable, are suggestive of more
than powerful persuasion. The
second question is to my mind open
to particular criticism. What,
in the context, is meant by "the
club?" The committee? 90
playing members? 4,300 non-playing
members? It by no means
follows that the committee would all have
agreed on an
affirmative answer to the question and still less
that a majority of
their members, playing or non-playing, would
have done so. Nor
would any of these groups of members necessarily
have known
whether "the large proportion," whatever that
phrase may mean in
the context, of the Leicester population would
have regarded the
tour as "an insult" to them.
None of the learned judges in the
courts below have felt
able to hold that the action of the club
was unreasonable or
perverse in the Wednesbury sense. They
do not appear to have
been invited to consider whether those
actions, even if not
unreasonable on Wednesbury principles,
were assailable on the
grounds of procedural impropriety or
unfairness by the Council in
the manner in which, in the light of
the facts which I have
outlined, they took their decision to
suspend for 12 months the use
by the club of the Welford Road
recreation ground.
I greatly hesitate to differ from
four learned judges on the
Wednesbury issue but for myself
I would have been disposed
respectfully to do this and to say that
the actions of the Council
were unreasonable in the Wednesbury
sense. But even if I am
wrong in this view, I am clearly of the
opinion that the manner in
which the Council took that decision
was in all the circumstances
unfair within the third of the
principles stated in the case of
Council of Civil Service
Unions v. Minister for the Civil Service
[1984] 3 WLR 1174.
The Council formulated those four questions
in the manner of which
I have spoken and indicated that only such
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affirmative answers would be
acceptable. They received reasoned
and reasonable answers which
went a long way in support of the
policy which the Council had
accepted and desired to see
accepted. The views expressed in these
reasoned and reasonable
answers were lawful views and the views
which, as the evidence
shows, many people sincerely hold and
believe to be correct. If
the club had adopted a different and
hostile attitude, different
considerations might well have arisen.
But the club did not adopt
any such attitude.
In my view, therefore, this is a
case in which the court
should interfere because of the unfair
manner in which the Council
set about obtaining its objective. I
would not, with profound
respect, rest my decision upon the
somewhat wider ground which
appealed to Browne-Wilkinson L.J. in
his dissenting judgment.
Since preparing this speech I have
had the advantage of
reading in draft the speech of my noble and
learned friend Lord
Templeman with which I find myself in complete
agreement.
I would, therefore, allow the
appeal and order certiorari to
issue to quash the decision of 21
August 1984, the terms of which
I have already set out. I do not
think that the declaration or the
injunction sought is necessary
at this juncture, but lest they
become so, I would remit the
matter to the High Court with
liberty to the club to apply for
such further relief as may be
thought necessary to protect their
rights. The Council must pay
the costs in this House and both
courts below.
LORD BRIDGE OF HARWICH
My Lords,
For the reasons given in the
speeches of my noble and
learned friends, Lord Roskill and Lord
Templeman, with which I
agree, I would allow this appeal.
LORD BRIGHTMAN
My Lords,
I agree that this appeal should be
allowed for the reasons
given in the speeches of my noble and
learned friends, Lord
Roskill and Lord Templeman.
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LORD TEMPLEMAN
My Lords,
In my opinion the Leicester City
Council were not entitled
to withdraw from the Leicester Football
Club the facilities for
training and playing enjoyed by the club
for many years on the
council's recreation ground for one simple
and good reason. The
club could not be punished because the club
had done nothing
wrong.
The 1984 Rugby Tour of South
Africa was organised by the
Rugby Football Union which invited
individuals, including three
members of the club to join the tour.
There were two views
about the tour amongst the opponents of
apartheid. The view
taken by the council, a view which I share,
was that the tour
would endorse the racist policies of the South
African Government.
The opposite view was expressed by Mr. Dodge,
who was one of
the three members of the club who participated in
the tour and
who gave sworn evidence in these proceedings as
follows:
"I personally deplore
apartheid as being morally wrong. It is
nevertheless my genuine
belief that maintaining sporting
links with South Africa does help
break down the evil social
barriers of apartheid, a personal
belief which has been
strengthened by observing in 1984 the
improvement since
1980."
The council agree that this belief
was sincerely held not
only by Mr. Dodge but by other opponents of
apartheid. The
Government had subscribed to the Gleneagles
agreement but did
not take steps to ban the tour, leaving the
decision to each
individual invited to take part. The club does
not practice racial
discrimination, does not support apartheid,
has not been guilty of
any infringement of the Race Relations Act
1976, did not support
the decision of the three members to join
the tour and sought to
discourage them from joining the tour by
sending them copies of
the reasoned memorandum published by the
opponents of the tour.
The council does not contend that the club
should have threatened
or punished the three club members who
participated in the tour
or that the club could properly have done
so. Nevertheless, the
club has been punished by the council
according Mr. Soulsby for
"failing to condemn the tour and to
discourage its members from
playing." My Lords, the laws of
this country are not like the laws
of Nazi Germany. A private
individual or a private organisation
cannot be obliged to display
zeal in the pursuit of an object
sought by a public authority and
cannot be obliged to publish views
dictated by a public authority.
The club having committed no
wrong, the council could not
use their statutory powers in the
management of their property or
any other statutory powers in
order to punish the club. There is
no doubt that the council
intended to punish and have punished the
club. When the club were
presented by the council with four
questions it was made clear
that the club's response would only be
acceptable if, in effect,
all four questions were answered in the
affirmative. When the club
committee made their dignified and
responsible response to these
questions, a response which the
council find unsatisfactory to the
council, the council commissioned
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a report on possible sanctions
that might be taken against the
club. That report suggested that
delaying tactics could be used to
hold up the grant of a lease
then being negotiated by the club. It
suggested that land could be
excluded from the new lease as it
was "thought that this
could embarrass the club because it had
apparently granted
sub-leases ..." It was suggested that the
council's consent,
which had already been given for advertisements
by the club's
sponsors, could be withdrawn although according to
the report "the
actual effect of this measure on the club is
difficult to assess."
It was suggested that "a further course is to
insist upon
strict observance of the tenant's covenants in the
lease. However,
the City Estate's Surveyor, having inspected the
premises, is of
the opinion that the tenant's convenants are all
being complied
with." Finally, it was suggested that "the council
could
terminate the club's use of the recreation ground." This
might
cause some financial loss to the council and might "form
the
basis of a legal challenge to the council's decision. The club
may
contend that the council has taken an unreasonable action
against
the club in response to personal decisions of members of
its team
over which it had no control." Notwithstanding this
warning
the council accepted the last suggestion and terminated
the club's
use of the recreation ground. In my opinion, this use
by the
council of its statutory powers was a misuse of power. The
council
could not properly seek to use its statutory powers of
management
or any other statutory powers for the purposes of
punishing the
club when the club had done no wrong.
In Congreve v. Home Office
[1976] 1 Q.B. 629, the Home
Secretary had a statutory power to
revoke television licences. In
exercise of that statutory power he
revoked the television licences
of individuals who had lawfully
surrendered an existing licence and
taken out a new licence before
an increase in the licence fee was
due to take effect. Lord
Denning M.R. said at p. 651:
"If the licence is to be
revoked - and his money forfeited
- the Minister would have to
give good reasons to justify it.
Of course, if the licensee had
done anything wrong - if he
had given a cheque for £12
which was dishonoured, or if he
had broken the conditions of the
licence - the Minister
could revoke it. But when the licensee has
done nothing
wrong at all, I do not think the Minister can
lawfully revoke
the licence, at any rate, not without offering him
his money
back, and not even then except for good cause. If
he
should revoke it without giving reasons, or for no good
reason,
the courts can set aside his revocation and restore
the licence.
It would be a misuse of the power conferred
on him by Parliament:
and these courts have the authority -
and, I would add, the duty -
to correct a misuse of power
by a Minister or his department, no
matter how much he
may resent it or warn us of the consequences if
we do."
Similar considerations apply, in
my opinion, to the present case.
Of course this does not mean that
the council is bound to allow
its property to be used by a racist
organisation or by any
organisation which, by its actions or its
words, infringes the letter
or the spirit of the Race Relations
Act 1976. But the attitude of
the club and of the Committee of the
club was a perfectly proper
attitude, caught as they were in a
political controversy which was
not of their making.
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For these reasons and the
reasons given by my noble and
learned friend Lord Roskill, I
would allow the appeal.
LORD GRIFFITHS
My Lords,
For the reasons given in the
speeches of my noble and
learned friends, Lord Roskill and Lord
Templeman, I would allow
this appeal.
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