Ref: MAG10852
Neutral Citation No: [2019] NIQB 36
Judgment: approved by the Court for handing down
(subject to editorial corrections)*
Delivered: 29/03/2019
18/97399/01
MAGUIRE J
Introduction
The interim report
"C00164 – Received 15 December 2017
…. Councillor Donal Lyons referred to a video, published on 13 December 2017, which is 'widely available on various social media networks' in which Councillor Bunting is seen to make comments which Councillor Lyons believed are in breach of the Code. In the video, Councillor Bunting is pictured standing alongside Ms Jayda Fransen, Deputy Leader of the far right Political Group, Britain First. Both individuals speak on camera as they stand outside the Belfast Islamic Centre, Wellington Park, South Belfast.
… Councillor Lyons alleged that Councillor Bunting's comments 'constitute incitement'. He claimed that 'these actions' [were] designed to incite hostility in a society transitioning from conflict [and] would constitute a very serious breach of the Code.
…. Both Ms Fransen and Councillor Bunting speak on the video in the context of their opposition to the growth of Islam in Belfast. Councillor Lyons referred specifically to the following comments of Councillor Bunting:
'"We were told it's moving" … "It's not moving, it's extending" "they don't like you calling it a Mosque because of funding reasons and things like that" … "the amount of ghetto Mosques we have had reported to us".'
C00172 - Received 29 December 2017
…. This complaint, submitted by Councillor Georgina Milne, also relates to the video published on 13 December 2017. Councillor Milne stated that 'it encapsulates both parties prejudice against, and in- tolerance of, the Muslim faith'. She also argued that Councillor Bunting endorsed Ms Fransen's comments in the video, and she highlighted the following quotations [from] Ms Fransen …
'Islam coming to Northern Ireland would be a very bad thing" … "This is how Muslim communities have achieved colonisation of entire areas of the mainland" … "that monstrosity behind me is Mosque" … "creeping Islamification" … "we [Britain First] will be campaigning against every one of these dens of iniquity [Islamic centres].'
C00177 – Received 11 January 2018
… This complaint was submitted by the Chief Executive of Belfast City Council, Mrs Suzanne Wylie. Mrs Wylie stated that she had been advised that 'the Britain First Group, including Ms Fransen, were escorted by Councillor Bunting during their visit to City Hall on 9 January 2018' … Mrs Wylie complained that Councillor Bunting appeared to facilitate the filming of Ms Fransen seated in the Lord Mayor's chair in the Council Chamber and wearing the ceremonial robes provided for councillors. …
Mrs Wylie stated that she was particularly concerned about 'how the Council Chamber was used as a platform by Ms Fransen for commenting upon the active legal proceedings being taken through the criminal courts, which is again entirely inappropriate' … I note that since then, Ms Fransen has been convicted and imprisoned in England for separate offences to those referred to in her video. These convictions related to religiously aggravated harassment.
… The Chief Executive believed that Councillor Bunting's facilitation of these activities 'potentially breaches the Local Government Code of Conduct and her duty as an elected member not to bring the Council into disrepute. The Chief Executive also referred to 'the use of Council resources to further political purposes' as having 'the potential to offend the Code of Conduct'.
… The Chief Executive provided a written statement relating to her complaint … The statement refers to a meeting held on 12 January 2018 as a result of the visit on 9 January 2018, between the Chief Executive and Councillor Bunting at which Councillor Bunting had commented: 'In hindsight perhaps it wasn't the best thing to do' … I understood this to be a reference to Councillor Bunting's facilitation of the Britain First visit on 9 January 2018, including the filming of Ms Fransen in the Council Chamber.
… I note that, immediately following her meeting with the Chief Executive, Councillor Bunting produced a video which informed viewers that the Chief Executive had told her she would be making a complaint to the Local Government Commissioner for Standards. The video was posted on-line at 18.41 hrs on 12 January 2018 …
… Two minutes into the video Councillor Bunting stated:
'I have no issue with the Commissioner investigating this as I have done nothing wrong.'
These remarks conflict with those comments made to the Chief Executive at the meeting that had occurred just a few minutes earlier. This contrast indicates a failure on the part of Councillor Bunting to appreciate the seriousness of the allegations that have been made in respect of her conduct.
C00178 – Received 12 January 2018
… Councillor Emmett McDonough-Brown complained that Councillor Bunting had referred to Islam in a context of 'problematic people' during the meeting of full Council held on 3 January 2018. He stated that:
'Clearly this is prejudiced in that it assumes people belonging to a specific religious and racial group are problematic by dint of their membership of that group.'
… The Council meeting is available on the Council's website as a webcast. The relevant contributions begin at one hour ten minutes into the meeting. My staff have viewed the webcast and the following comments among others are recorded as being said by Councillor Bunting:
'Lord Mayor what worries me is that in the future we are not going to be able to speak about problematic members of society in Belfast. We aren't going to be able to – the amendment is so broad that we're [not] going to be able to say very much in the Council Chamber especially about problematic sections of society.'
C00181 – Received 29 January 2018
… The complainants, 79 members of the public in total, made a number of allegations against Councillor Bunting which I have listed in the following paragraphs.
… It is alleged that 'Councillor Bunting co-organised a 'Northern Ireland against Terrorism' rally in Belfast on 6 August 2017, in conjunction with Britain First'. A video of the rally is available on line …
… During the rally, Ms Jayda Fransen, stated the following:
'The biggest threat to civilisation, across the world, is Islam.'
… We are at war with Islam, the world is at war with Islam. Jihad and Islam are one and the same, it's not a separate entity.
… 'For those of you that have bothered to read any of the Islamic scriptures, and I know they are not pleasant, you will know that the Quran, the Hadiths, they are riddled with instructions, for every single Muslim, not just the extremists, not just Isis, don't listen to that nonsense, every single Muslim is obliged to kill you and your husbands, and your wives and your children.'
… 'There is no moderate Islam'.
… 'Islam says every single one of you wonderful people here today, deserves to be killed, every single one of you.'
'You follow the Quran, you have to kill every non-Muslim in sight, that's the reality that is the new threat.'
'Britain First will be leading the campaign against every single Mosque that is proposed in Northern Ireland.'
'Britain First will make sure that these dens of iniquity do not cover every street corner of this beautiful country.'
Councillor Bunting is recorded as saying, 'Jayda I will be holding you to what you said today.'
'Jayda has made some extremely good points about Islam. This is a worldwide threat.'
… The complainants argued that Councillor Bunting endorsed the statements in language used at the event.
… Jayda Fransen is facing criminal charges related to her comments during the event. The case against her is due to be heard at Belfast Magistrates' Court on 14 September 2018.
… In a News Letter article dated 8 August 2017 … Councillor Bunting reportedly reiterated her support for the claims made by Britain First at the rally two days earlier. The first line of the article states:
'A Belfast councillor has said she is happy to stand over claims that "all Muslims" are obliged to "wage war" on the Christian population of the UK and Europe.'
… On 19 November 2017, Councillor Bunting gave a video update on her Facebook page informing her followers that Jayda Fransen had been released from custody. Two minutes and 40 seconds into the video, Councillor Bunting refers to Ms Fransen 'telling the truth about the Islamification of the UK and the world.' …
…The complainants refer to the video in which Councillor Bunting appeared alongside Jayda Fransen outside the Belfast Islamic Centre published on 13 December 2017.
… Also on this date Councillor Bunting appeared on the BBC radio programme, Talk Back. … During the programme Councillor Bunting confirmed that she supported Ms Fransen's views. She said: 'I'm not going to distance myself from her opinion.' With respect to the Quran, Councillor Bunting referred to the 'evil within this book' and the 'hatred within this book'. She also agreed with sentiments expressed by a caller to the programme, 'Sophie', who claimed that the Quran 'teaches hate and evil, it's disgusting'. She claimed that Muslims are 'taught to hate' and that the Quran directs that Muslims have to 'kill us (non-Muslims) for not believing in Allah.'
… The complainants referred to the visit of the right wing group, Britain First, to Belfast City Hall in January 2018. They argued that 'it is not routine that such tours are used to facilitate a video update on criminal proceedings, and proceedings linked to anti-Islamic conduct.'
… The complainants claimed that Councillor Bunting co-ordinated, crowdfunded and hosted an event on 14 January 2018 when a film entitled 'Can't We Talk About This' was aired in public. The film seeks to make a case that there is a threat posed by Islam to society. A trailer for the film is available on-line. …
… Information obtained separately indicates that the event occurred the day before, Saturday 13 January 2018.
C00200
… The complainant, a member of the public known in a personal capacity to Jayda Fransen, alleged that Councillor Bunting's association with, and public support of, a hateful, openly Islam phobic group known as 'Britain First' as well as her promotion of convicted criminals, Jayda Fransen and Paul Golding, have an adverse impact on the Council's reputation and on public trust in the position of a councillor …
… He also referred to the requirement under the Code to have regard to the desirability of promoting good relations between people of different racial groups, religious beliefs and political opinion. The complainant stated that Councillor Bunting's anti-Islamic posts on social media are manifestly in conflict with this requirement and threaten social cohesion in Northern Ireland …
C00299
… In a second complaint, submitted on 8 June 2018, the Chief Executive of Belfast City Council alleged that Councillor Bunting 'made statements in relation to a leaflet widely condemned as being racist, as being a document that was produced for the purpose of providing information to the public'. Also, '… [Councillor Bunting] claimed that the Quran incited Muslim attacks thus inferring it promoted terrorist atrocities'. … The Chief Executive indicated that these statements had been made by Councillor Bunting at the meeting of Belfast City Council which was held on 9 April 2018 and she had received a number of complaints from City councillors in respect of them. She believed that Councillor Bunting's comments were 'demonstrative of a failure to honour the Code of Conduct and to promote equality of opportunity as required by law and by the Code.'
… The Chief Executive also referred to a social media post … attributed to Councillor Bunting which depicted a cartoon character dressed in an Irish Tricolour and wearing a hat bearing the phrase 'Please be Patient I have Famine'. Numerous complaints had been received about this cartoon meme; these are addressed separately …
… The Chief Executive indicated that, on 3 May 2018, she had received complaints regarding the social media post.
C00171; 206, 251; 257; 279; 285; 288; 299 – Cartoon Meme Complaints
… At the time of writing LGES has received eight complaints about the content of a social media posting which was posted by Councillor Bunting on 3 May 2018. A copy of the post is provided … all of the complaints received are broadly similar in that they allege the meme contains highly offensive material which is sectarian and racist in nature and which would incite hatred. For example, the phrase 'please be patient I have famine' is very likely to cause significant offence in light of the tragic national famine that occurred in Ireland between 1845 and 1852, the Great Famine. One complainant … stated: 'I wonder if she made a similar type of reference to the holocaust or to slavery would she not already be out of her position [as an elected member].'
… The meme can also be said to be sectarian given the depiction of two frogs, one wearing Union Jack colours and the other the Tricolour. The meme clearly portrays the frog wearing the Tricolour as inferior.
… Another complainant has alleged that the depiction of the smaller frog, in the social media posting, is one which is used by white supremacists to make fun of children with autism.
… My office has received unprecedented contact about the posting on 3 May 2018 with 87 complaints to the LGES Directorate having been made; 76 of which were within two days. Eight of these became formal complaints made in line with the Commissioner's requirements. These are in addition to the nine complaints received which again is an unprecedented level of complaints about any one matter involving an individual councillor."
(a) 4.1(b) – "Councillors hold public office under the law and must act in accordance with the Code."
(b) 4.2 – "You must not conduct yourself in a manner which could reasonably be regarded as bringing your position as a councillor, or your council, into disrepute."
(c) 4.11 – "You must ensure that you are aware of your council's responsibilities under equality legislation, and that you are familiar with the relevant legislative statutes and provisions, in particular, with the obligations set out in your council's equality scheme."
(d) 4.12 – "You are entitled to legally express any political opinion that you hold. In doing so, however, you should have regard to the Principles of Conduct and should not express opinions in a manner that is manifestly in conflict with the Principles of Conduct."
(e) 4.13(a) – "You must show respect and consideration for others."
(f) 4.16(a) – "You must not use, or attempt to use, your position improperly to confer on, or secure, an advantage for yourself or any other person."
(g) 4.16(c) – "You must not use, or attempt to use, your position improperly to avoid a disadvantage for yourself or any other person, or to create a disadvantage for any other person."
(h) 4.18(a) - "You must not use, or authorise others to use, the resources of your council imprudently."
(i) 4.18(b) - "You must not use, or authorise others to use, the resources of your council in breach of your council's requirements."
(j) 4.18(c) – "You must not use, or authorise others to use, the resources of your council unlawfully."
(k) 4.18(d) – "You must not use, or authorise others to use, the resources of your council other than in a manner which is calculated to facilitate, or to be conducive to, the discharge of the functions of your council or of the office to which you have been elected or appointed."
(l) 4.18(e) - "You must not use, or authorise others to use, the resources of your council improperly for political purposes."
(i) The applicant had deliberately sought to misuse her position in order to disadvantage some other person.
(ii) There had been repeated failures to comply with the Code by her.
(iii) She had misused Council resources.
(iv) She had brought the Council into disrepute. This meant that a relevant issue would be the extent of any reputational damage to the Council.
(v) The need to consider whether failure to comply with the Code was such as to render the applicant entirely unfit for public office.
"In conclusion, I am of the view that it is in the public interest to suspend Councillor Bunting immediately for a period not exceeding six months, given:
- The serious nature of the allegations that have been made and, that the alleged breaches appear to have been motivated by discrimination against a person's national origin, disability [the potential reference to child with autism] and Muslims living in Northern Ireland and the Councillor has demonstrated hostility towards specific groups based on these characteristics.
- Some of the matters complained of are inextricably linked to the subject matter of separate criminal proceedings.
- The unprecedented number of contacts and complaints that had been received about the Councillor's conduct.
- The repetitive and escalated nature of the conduct complained of.
- The impact that the alleged breaches have had on certain groups within the community.
… I believe the above factors represent compelling public interest grounds for making such a recommendation. Furthermore, the circumstances to be investigated and the prima facie evidence obtained to date suggests that there could be further disruption to the functioning of the Council and a loss of public confidence in the Council if Councillor Bunting continues in her role as a Councillor whilst my investigations are on-going. In the intervening period I believe it is highly probable that Councillor Bunting will engage in further activity which could be the source of additional complaints similar to those received to date. This would impact on the effective and efficient completion of my investigation."
The interim hearing
"(1) Where the prima facie evidence is such that it appears to the Commissioner –
(a) That the person who is the subject of an interim report has failed to comply with the Code of Conduct;
(b) That the nature of that failure is such as to be likely to lead to disqualification under section 59 (3) (c); and
(c) That it is in the public interest to suspend or partially suspend that person immediately,
the Commissioner may give notice to the clerk of the council concerned that that person is suspended or partially suspended from being a councillor for such period and in such way as may be specified in the notice."
"The parties agree that, in relation to each of the complaints, the Code applied to the respondent. Based on the Deputy Commissioner's interim report and the submissions made by each representative, the Acting Commissioner finds there is prima facie evidence that the respondent failed to comply with the Code for the reasons set out below:
- In relation to the allegations about the meme and the Council Chamber the respondent has accepted that the Acting Commissioner may conclude she has breached the Code.
- The Acting Commissioner has considered the complaints made against the respondent and their investigation both as individual matters and as a course of conduct followed by the respondent.
- The Acting Commissioner finds that the interim report on complaints C00164, 172, 177, 178, 200 appears to provide prima facie evidence of the respondent's public association with the far right political group, Britain First.
- There is video evidence of the respondent organising events involving Britain First in Belfast on 6 August 2017 and on 13 December 2017, outside the Belfast Islamic Centre, then supporting the views expressed there by Ms Fransen, the Deputy Leader of Britain First. Those views appear to be critical of Islam and Muslims living in Northern Ireland. The respondent had the opportunity to distance herself from them, if indeed these were very much more extreme than her views as has been submitted. She chose not to do so, in particular in the Newsletter article of 8 August 2017 and in the Talk Back programme on 13 December 2017.
- The Acting Commissioner is not convinced by the respondent's assertion that her association with Britain First was to encourage it to become more moderate and to improve its structure.
- The respondent's association with Britain First was over a period of time, between August 2017 and January 2018 and events appeared to be planned and their content pre-meditated.
- The organisation of the visit to Belfast City Council Chamber by Ms Fransen; allowing her to wear councillor ceremonial robes; allowing her to make comments on her forthcoming criminal proceedings arising from the rally in Belfast on 6 August 2017, which relate to the incitement of hatred of Muslims.
These actions all raise questions about the respondent's conduct as a councillor.
The Acting Commissioner finds that the interim report on complaints C00171; 206; 257; 279; 285; 288; 299; appears to provide prima facie evidence that the respondent used a social media posting on 3 May 2018 where the complainants alleged that its contents, a cartoon meme, was sectarian and racist in nature.
In relation to complaint C00178, the Acting Commissioner has viewed the webcast of the council meeting to which the complaint relates. Given that, at one hour 19 minutes and 40 seconds into the meeting, Councillor Bunting can be seen and heard to make specific reference to Islam and then the Quran, apparently in the context of "problematic members/problematic sections" of society, the Acting Commissioner does not accept the submissions made on behalf of the respondent that "at no time during that exchange within the council meeting did she mention Islam or anything like it … or mention Islam at any stage during that exchange". The Acting Commissioner therefore finds that there is prima facie evidence to support this complaint.
The Acting Commissioner is satisfied that there is prima facie evidence that the respondent has failed to comply with the Code."
"The Acting Commissioner will only decide on this interim hearing; any later adjudication hearing will take place before the Commissioner. In deciding whether or not the nature of the failure is such as to be likely to lead to disqualification, the Commissioner will consider the circumstances of the case itself, the procedures for adjudication hearings, in particular the sanctions guidelines, together with the guidance issued by the Commissioner in relation to the Code.
Drawing on the submissions in the interim hearing, the relevant procedures and guidance documents, the Acting Commissioner finds that, if substantiated:
- The failures to comply with the Code were serious breaches which have been repeated over a period of time.
- The respondent has misused council resources.
- The failures arose from events which had been pre-planned, which may indicate an intentional failure to comply with the Code.
- The respondent's actions have brought the council into disrepute and the extent of the reputational damage is so serious as to warrant a disqualification.
- The respondent has failed to heed appropriate advice from the CEO.
- The Acting Commissioner notes the respondent's previous record of good service, which can be raised as a mitigating factor at any later adjudication hearing.
- The Acting Commissioner finds that in this case the nature of the failures is such as to be likely to lead to disqualification under Section 59(3)(c)."
"The Acting Commissioner has taken into account Ms Herdman's submissions regarding the significant impact which suspension would have on the respondent, both as a councillor and in her personal life. He has also taken into account the fact that there is a series of events which appears to show some serious breaches of the Code by the respondent. Paragraph 32 of the Sanctions Guidance provides that:
"Some allegations may be of such gravity as to lead to a loss of public confidence in the council if the respondent were to remain in office whilst the allegations are being investigated."
The Acting Commissioner is satisfied that, in this case the 'maintenance of public confidence' outweighs the personal and financial impact on the respondent.
The Acting Commissioner has considered the Deputy Commissioner's submission that it is likely that a period of 6 months will be required to complete the investigation.
The decision of the Acting Commissioner, made under Section 60(1) of Part 9 of the Local Government Act (Northern Ireland) 2014, is to suspend the respondent for a period of 4 months. The sanction is to have effect from 4pm on Friday 21 September 2018."
"The Acting Commissioner notes that the key principle, when considering sanction, is "public interest".
Both representatives made submissions in line with paragraph 33 of the sanctions guidelines which require account to be taken of:
(a) the proper functioning of the council;
(b) the maintenance of public confidence;
(c) the effective completion of the investigation.
The Acting Commissioner notes the CEO's view, on the proper functioning of the council, based on the respondent being an independent councillor that:
"In my view her conduct has not had a significant impact on the proper functioning of the council."
But the CEO went on to say:
"This needs to be distinguished from reputational damage which I am satisfied her conduct has had the potential to cause."
There has been considerable publicity of the events to which the complaints relate and the number of complaints against the respondent is unprecedented. Much of that publicity was generated by the respondent, regardless of the reaction to her actions and comments which was clear from the complaints made against the respondent and from her meeting with the CEO. It is difficult to see how this would not be detrimental to the reputation of the Belfast City Council in the eyes of the public, yet the respondent continued with her actions over a period of time.
The aim of the Code is to improve the standard of conduct expected of councillors and to foster public confidence in the ethical standards regime.
The Acting Commissioner is satisfied that the conduct of the respondent, with the attendant media publicity, is such that it is likely to diminish the trust and confidence that the public places in her as a councillor and in the council, which the public expects to ensure an appropriate standard of conduct from councillors and to uphold the ethical standards regime. He is therefore determined that a member of the public, knowing all of the relevant facts, would reasonably consider that the respondent's conduct is such that it brought her position as a councillor and her council into disrepute by her actions.
The Acting Commissioner has considered points a. and b. collectively. On the prima facie evidence of the failure of the respondent to comply with the Code, he finds there has been an impact on the proper functioning of the council. It is likely that there has been reputational damage to the city council. The repeated failures by the respondent to comply with the Code and the subsequent publicity, often self-generated, is likely to have had a negative impact on public confidence.
The Acting Commissioner has considered whether further inappropriate conduct by the respondent would be likely to impact on the effective completion of the Deputy Commissioner's investigation. He notes the submission by Ms Herdman that there was no evidence that the respondent would interfere with the investigation. However, this alone cannot be determinative of the Acting Commissioner's decision. There has been a series of intentional actions, by the respondent, which led to this investigation and there is now prima facie evidence of serious breaches of the Code. There is prima facie evidence that those breaches are likely to diminish the trust and confidence that the public places in her as a councillor and in the council. The respondent has failed to heed previous concerns about her conduct which raises a question regarding further inappropriate conduct in the future.
The Acting Commissioner has taken account of all three elements of Section 33 of the Sanctions Guidelines and the weight which, in his consideration, should be attached to each element in the circumstances of this case. He has also considered the Deputy Commissioner's submission in relation to partial suspension. The Acting Commissioner is satisfied that a complete interim suspension of the respondent is necessary in this case."
The width of these proceedings
"An appeal under sub-section 9 may be made –
(a) against the suspension (or partial suspension);
(b) against the length of the suspension (or partial suspension)."
The correct approach to the appeal
"An appeal under sub-section (13) may be made on one or more of the following grounds –
(a) that the Commissioner's decision was based on an error of law;
(b) that there has been a procedural impropriety in the conduct of the investigation under Section 58;
(c) that the Commissioner has acted unreasonably in the exercise of the Commissioner's discretion;
(d) that the Commissioner's decision was not supported by the facts found to be proved by the Commissioner;
(e) that the sanction imposed was excessive."
"It is important to note that this is a statutory appeal. It is not a simple judicial review, neither is it a hearing de novo. However, the court must apply some test to assess whether the appeal should succeed. It seems to me that there is strength in the submission that the first port of call is the statutory language which sets out when a court can intervene. The various headings there are in relation to error of law, procedural impropriety, error of fact, excessive sanction."
"45. However, in doing so, the court is required to give due deference to the tribunal below, because:
(i) The tribunal has been assigned, by the elected legislature, the task of determining the relevant issues. In my view, although it is a more forceful point in respect of issues where the legislature is not providing an appeal, this is relevant even in an open ended appeal such as this.
(ii) It is a specialist tribunal, selected for its experience, expertise and training in the task …
(iii) It has the advantage of having heard oral evidence …"
"Applying that general proposition, the courts have considered a wide spectrum of cases:
(i) Moving outside factual issues, if the issue is essentially one of statutory interpretation, the deference due may be limited. …
(ii) If it is one of disputed primary fact which is dependent upon the assessment of oral testimony, the deference will be great.
(iii) The appeal court will be slow to impose its own view and will only do so if the tribunal below was plainly wrong.
(iv) Where the issue is essentially one of discretion, the court will only interfere if the tribunal was plainly wrong.
(v) Similarly, where an evaluative judgment has to be made on the primary facts, involving a number of different factors that have to be weighed together. In respect of such open textured issues Beatson J said in Calver at 46:
'The relevant legal principles in this area do not provide the panel or the court with bright lines … they lead to a process of balancing a number of issues.'"
"In my view the test is best described as whether or not the decision was wrong applying the statutory language. I do not consider that the adverb 'plainly' adds anything for the reasons given by the Supreme Court in Re B …. The appellant must satisfy the burden of proof. I do not accept the argument made by the respondent that the court is simply exercising a supervisory function as in a judicial review. In my view, the jurisdiction of the court is broader within the parameters of the statutory provisions, allowing due deference to the decision maker. I proceed on that basis."
"In relation to the length of sentence, the Commissioner reached her view having heard the evidence and considered all of the facts. This is a discretionary exercise. I must be careful not to simply substitute my own view. I must decide whether the Commissioner was wrong. She can only have been wrong if she strayed outside the bounds of her discretion and imposed an excessive suspension. The length of suspension is mid-range. As such I do not consider that it is unreasonable or excessive. Therefore, I do not consider that I should interfere with the decision of the Commissioner on the basis of her application of the current provisions."
Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights
"1. Everyone has the right to freedom of expression. This right shall include freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers…
2. The exercise of these freedoms, since it carries with it duties and responsibilities, may be subject to such formalities, conditions, restrictions or penalties as are prescribed by law and are necessary in a democratic society…for the protection of the reputation or rights of others …".
"[34] While freedom of expression is important to everyone, Strasbourg has recognised the importance of expression in the political sphere. It has long-recognised that what is said by elected politicians is subject to 'enhanced protection', i.e. a higher level of protection, under Article 10.
[35] One of the first cases to explore the right in this context was Castells v Spain (1992) 14 EHRR 445, which concerned the publication in a weekly magazine of an article by an opposition senator, elected on the list of a political grouping supporting independence for the Basque Country. It was highly critical of the Spanish Government, accusing it of having been responsible for the murders and attacks perpetrated in the Basque Country by extremist organisations who acted (the article said) with total impunity. The Senate withdrew the senator's parliamentary immunity; and he was prosecuted and convicted of insulting the government. He was sentenced to imprisonment for one year and one day, and disqualified from office.
[36] Before the European Court of Human Rights, he complained that his prosecution and conviction contravened article 10. The court said this:
"42. The Court recalls that the freedom of expression, enshrined in paragraph 1 of Article 10, constitutes one of the most essential foundations of a democratic society and one of the basic conditions for its progress. Subject to paragraph 2 of Article 10, it is applicable not only to 'information' or 'ideas' that are favourably received or regarded as inoffensive or as a matter of indifference, but also to those that offend, shock or disturb. Such are the demands of that pluralism, tolerance and broadmindedness without which there is no 'democratic society'.
While freedom of expression is important for everyone, it is especially so for an elected representative of the people. He represents his electorate, draws attention to their preoccupations and defends their interests. Accordingly, interferences with the freedom of expression of an opposition Member of Parliament, like the applicant, call for the closest scrutiny on the part of the Court.
43. In the case under review, Mr Castells did not express his opinion from the senate floor, as he might have done without fear of sanctions, but chose to do so in a periodical. That does not mean, however, that he lost his right to criticise the Government…
Hickinbottom J continued:
"I have quoted that early case at some length because it reflects a number of the propositions that are developed in later cases.
[37] I was referred to a very large number of Strasbourg cases…
[38] … From them, the following propositions can be derived.
i) The enhanced protection applies to all levels of politics, including local …
ii) Article 10 protects not only the substance of what is said, but also the form in which it is conveyed. Therefore, in the political context, a degree of the immoderate, offensive, shocking, disturbing, exaggerated, provocative, polemical, colourful, emotive, non-rational and aggressive, that would not be acceptable outside that context, is tolerated … Whilst, in a political context, Article 10 protects the right to make incorrect but honestly made statements, it does not protect statements which the publisher knows to be false …
iii) Politicians have enhanced protection as to what they say in the political arena…
iv) …
v) The protection goes to "political expression"; but that is a broad concept in this context. It is not limited to expressions of or critiques of political views …, but rather extends to all matters of public administration and public concern including comments about the adequacy or inadequacy of performance of public duties by others … The cases are careful not unduly to restrict the concept; although gratuitous personal comments do not fall within it.
vi) …The cases draw a distinction between fact on the one hand, and comment on matters of public interest involving value judgment on the other. As the latter is unsusceptible of proof, comments in the political context amounting to value judgments are tolerated even if untrue, so long as they have some – any – factual basis … What amounts to a value judgment as opposed to fact will be generously construed in favour of the former … and, even where something expressed is not a value judgment but a statement of fact …, that will be tolerated if what is expressed is said in good faith and there is some reasonable (even if incorrect) factual basis for saying it, "reasonableness" here taking account of the political context in which the thing was said …
vii) As Article 10(2) expressly recognises, the right to freedom of speech brings with it duties and responsibilities. In most instances, where the State seeks to impose a restriction on the right under Article 10(2), the determinative question is whether the restriction is "necessary in a democratic society". This requires the restriction to respond to a "pressing social need", for relevant and sufficient reasons; and to be proportionate to the legitimate aim pursued by the State.
viii) As with all Convention rights that are not absolute, the State has a margin of appreciation in how it protects the right of freedom of expression and how it restricts that right. However, that margin must be construed narrowly in this context:
"There is little scope under Article 10(2) of the Convention for restrictions on political speech or on debate on questions of public interest …"
ix) Similarly, because of the importance of freedom of expression in the political arena, any interference with that right (either of politicians or in criticism of them) calls for the closest scrutiny by the court …"
"Freedom of political speech is a freedom of the very highest importance in any country which lays claim to being a democracy. Restrictions on this freedom need to be examined rigorously by all concerned, not least the courts".
The Court's assessment
The first test
(i) Firstly, in respect of the meme which was viewed as disclosing a prima facie case of breach of the Code as the meme was sectarian or racist in nature.
(ii) Secondly, in respect of the applicant's associations with Britain First and her apparent support for the views of Ms Fransen, as explained in the videos of addresses made by her outside the City Hall at a rally and outside the Islamic Centre in Belfast, both raising questions about her conduct as a councillor.
(iii) Thirdly, in respect of events involving the videoing of an interview of Ms Fransen when she was wearing a Councillor's Gown and seated in the Lord Mayor's seat in the Council chamber. Prima facie this was viewed as conduct which would breach the Code.
The second test
- The seriousness of the potential breaches.
- The allegation that the applicant has misused council resources.
- The pre-planning which appeared to have preceded the failures giving rise to prima facie breaches of the code.
- The concern that the applicant had brought the council into disrepute together with the risk that serious reputational damage to the council may be sustained.
- The fear that similar prima facie breaches may occur in the future.
- The applicant's apparent failure to heed appropriate advice offered to her by the Chief Executive Officer.
The third test
Discretion
Convention compliance
(i) In respect of the complaints which have been made, does the applicant's alleged behaviour attract enhanced protection in terms of freedom of speech, which is a tenet of Strasbourg jurisprudence?
(ii) If elements of the applicant's alleged behaviour do attract enhanced protection is there a prima facie breach of Article 10?
(iii) If there is a prima facie breach of Article 10 in one or more situations, can the interference be justified under Article 10 (2)?
(iv) In the light of the response given to the above questions, is the sanction of suspension a proportionate response at this stage?
Enhanced protection?
Is there a prima facie case of breach?
Justification under Article 10(2)
(i) Feret v Belgium App No 15615/07 (2009)
In this case the central figure was chairman of the National Front in Belgium. He was alleged to have incited discrimination or hatred by distributing leaflets during election campaigns. At the time Mr Feret was a member of the Belgian House of Representatives. The distribution had resulted in criminal proceedings and Mr Feret was convicted and sentenced to a period of community service, together with a suspended sentence of imprisonment.
Subsequently, Mr Feret made a complaint to the ECtHR relying on Article 10. His argument was that the conviction was an excessive restriction on his right of freedom of expression.
The ECtHR held that there had been interference with his right under Article 10 but the State was able to justify it. The leaflets in question had presented the communities in question as criminally minded and keen to exploit the benefits they derived from living in Belgium. They also made fun of the immigrants concerned, with the inevitable risk of arousing, particularly among less knowledgeable members of the public, feelings of distrust, rejection or even hatred towards foreigners.
According to the court, it was crucial for politicians, when expressing themselves in public, to avoid comments that might foster intolerance. To recommend solutions to immigration-related problems by advocating racial discrimination was likely to cause social tension and undermine trust in democratic institutions.
It was held that on the facts of this case, there had been a compelling social need to protect the rights of the immigrant community.
(ii) Le Pen v France App no 18788/09 (20 April 2010)
This was an admissibility decision of the ECtHR. The applicant was the president of the French National Front party. In 2000 he had been fined for incitement to discrimination, hatred and violence towards a group of people because of their origin or their membership or non-membership of a specific ethnic group, nation, race or religion.
The applicant had been interviewed in Le Monde, a daily newspaper and he had asserted that "the day there are no long[er] 5 million but 25 million Muslims in France, they will be in charge".
In 2008 the applicant was fined in relation to a similar situation. In that interview he had suggested that the security of the people of France depended on them rejecting the Muslim community.
The French Court of Appeal held that the applicant's freedom of expression was no justification for statements that were an incitement to discrimination, hatred or violence towards a group of people.
The ECtHR held that the interference with the applicant's enjoyment of his right to freedom of expression had been necessary in a democratic society.
(iii) Norwood v United Kingdom (2005) 40 EHRR SE11 App no 23131/03 (16 November 2004)
This case arose out of the display of a poster by the applicant, Mr Norwood, in 2002. The poster had appeared in the first floor window of his flat in a small town and had contained the words "Islam out of Britain" and "Protect the British people". It also bore a reproduction of a photograph of one of the twin towers of the World Trade Centre in flames on 11 September 2001 and a Crescent and Star surrounded by a prohibition sign.
The applicant was convicted of public order offences connected with the above and was fined. He then complained to the ECtHR.
The ECtHR rejected his application as inadmissible. The court held that the words and images on the poster amounted to a public expression of attack on all Muslims in the United Kingdom. Such a general, vehement attack against a religious group, linking the group as a whole with a grave act of terrorism, was incompatible with the values proclaimed and guaranteed by the Convention, notably tolerance, social peace and non-discrimination. The display of the poster in the window constituted an act within the meaning of Article 17 which did not enjoy the protection of Articles 10 and 14 of the Convention.
(a) Complaint C00181 (see page 6 above).
In the court's judgment Ms Fransen's speech on 6 August 2018, with which the applicant has publicly associated herself, went well beyond the appropriate bounds of protected speech and involved language which was offensive to those who profess the Islamic faith. The suggestion that every single Muslim is obliged to kill the listeners and their families and that there were no moderate lslamic people and that Islamic Mosques are 'dens of iniquity' will be likely, as the court sees it, to vilify Muslims; to stir up hatred against them; and to invite discrimination directed at them, if not something worse.
As the court understands it, Ms Fransen is facing criminal charges in respect of this incident and, in view of those on-going proceedings, the court will limit itself in what it will say.
The effect of the words used, however, suggest strongly to the court that listeners and those exposed to the language deployed, whether via social media or other means, would be aroused to distrust and fear of, and hatred for, Muslims.
In the court's opinion an interim sanction based on the applicant's public alignment with what had been said – all in her presence – disseminated not just to those who attended the meeting but to many others by video or social media - would be likely to be necessary in a democratic society and proportionate, as a protection against the same occurring in future, and as a clear signal of public disapproval of a councillor who seeks to act in this way in the future. The court is inclined to the view that if the applicant was to complain to the Strasbourg Court about such treatment on Article 10 grounds, like Feret, Le Pen and Norwood, she would be unsuccessful. For the avoidance of doubt, the court arrives at this view notwithstanding that it is right to acknowledge that the applicant's role is capable of being viewed as a lesser one in comparison with that of Ms Fransen and that a distinction between the applicant's case and Ms Fransen's case is that only the latter faces criminal charges arising out of the events under consideration. Equally, the court acknowledges that the cases of Feret, Le Pen and Norwood were cases where the respective applicants before the Strasbourg court had been convicted of criminal offences, unlike the applicant, but these factors do not deflect the court from to the conclusion it has come to.
(b) Complaints C00164 and C00172 (see pages 2-5 above).
In the court's judgment what it has said above can substantially be replicated in respect of the staged event between Ms Fransen and the applicant outside the Islamic Centre in the video of events on 13 December 2017. What was said on this occasion was said in each other's presence and with each other's apparent approval. In the court's opinion, references to 'ghetto muslims', 'muslim colonisation', to mosques as 'dens of iniquity' and 'monstrosities', and to 'creeping Islamification' are designed to instil public revulsion again those of Islamic faith. While the court would accept that the overall impact of this particular video is not as great as with complaint C00181 above, it nonetheless exceeds the bounds of protected speech and proportionately may attract an interim sanction in the way already described.
Was the interim sanction in this case disproportionate in the court's view?
Conclusion
Note 1 For this reason the court would place little weight on how the Commissioner has decided a case in which no interim hearing has taken place, an example being that of Councillor Patrick Clarke which was referred to in argument. [Back] Note 2 The judgment deals with breach of Article 10 from paragraph [71] et seq. [Back]