QUEEN'S BENCH DIVISION
ADMINISTRATIVE COURT
Strand, London, WC2A 2LL |
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B e f o r e :
and
MR JUSTICE DAVIS
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Munim Abdul and Others |
Appellants |
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- and - |
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Director of Public Prosecutions |
Respondent |
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Mr Avi Chaudhuri (instructed by CPS) for the Respondent
Hearing dates: 21/01/2011
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Crown Copyright ©
LORD JUSTICE GROSS:
INTRODUCTION
"(1) A person is guilty of an offence if he –
(a) uses threatening, abusive or insulting words or behaviour or disorderly behaviour, or
(b) displays any writing, sign or other visible representation which is threatening, abusive or insulting,
within the hearing or sight of a person likely to be caused harassment, alarm or distress thereby.
(3) It is a defence for the accused to prove –
(c ) that his conduct was reasonable. "
"A person is guilty of an offence under section 5 only if he intends his words or behaviour, or the writing, sign or other visible representation, to be threatening, abusive or insulting, or is aware that it may be threatening, abusive or insulting or (as the case may be) he intends his behaviour to be or is aware that it may be disorderly. "
" 1. Did I apply the correct principles in determining the issue raised by counsel at the conclusion of the prosecution case?
2. If not, what considerations should I have applied?
3. (a) Should I have given full consideration to Article 10.2 of the European Convention on Human Rights as being part of what the prosecution must prove at this stage?
(b) If so, what is the weight or test that should be applied?
4. Did I apply the proper test under section 6(4) of the Public Order Act 1986 as set out in my written judgment of 11.1.10 at page 10, para. 3 and page 13, para. 3?
5. At paragraphs 7-8, pages 15-18 of my judgment I set out my analysis of why I found the prosecution of 5 of the 7 defendants to be a proportionate response, taking into account and applying the principles of Article 10.2 of the European Convention on Human Rights and the case of Ajit Singh Dehal [2005] EWHC 2154.
(a) Did I apply the correct principles/tests?
(b) If not, what are the correct principles/tests? "
THE FACTS
i) Mr. Abdul: "British soldiers murderers";ii) Mr. Ahmed: (a cheer leader) "British soldiers murderers"; "Baby killers"; "Rapists all of you";
iii) Mr. Bashir: "British soldiers go to hell";
iv) Mr. Choudhury: "Shame on you"; "Go to hell"; "Murderers"; "Baby killers";
v) Mr. Rahman: "British soldiers go to hell".
" Members of the public reacted to this protest and the police immediately formed a barrier between the public and protesters…..The shouting [by the Appellants, recorded above] went on for 3-4 minutes and the parading soldiers can be seen on the video footage. They clearly had to slightly alter course round the protesters who were surrounded by 11 or 12 police officers. This small group of protesters numbering 13, were then escorted/shepherded by police officers away from Upper George Street……They then returned back down the same route to the previously agreed venue in Bute Street."
i) Mr. Abdul: "Terrorists"; "Murderers"; "Burn in hell";ii) Mr. Ahmed: Part of the chanting group;
iii) Mr. Bashir: "British soldiers burn in hell"; "British soldiers you will pay"; "Cowards"; "Baby killers"; "Terrorists";
iv) Mr. Choudhury (using a loud speaker chanting): "British soldiers go to hell"; "Terrorists"; "Murderers"; "Burn in hell";
v) Mr. Rahman: not heard to shout anything.
THE RULINGS AND DECISION OF DJ MELLANBY
"1. Everyone has the right to freedom of expression. This right shall include freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers……
2. The exercise of these freedoms, since it carries with it duties and responsibilities, may be subject to such formalities, conditions, restrictions or penalties as are prescribed by law and are necessary in a democratic society, in the interests of national security, territorial integrity or public safety, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals, for the protection of the reputation or the rights of others, for preventing the disclosure of information received in confidence, or for maintaining the authority and impartiality of the judiciary."
" The defendants went significantly beyond the legitimate expressions of protest when viewed within the context and circumstances of the day…… I accept that demonstrations, by their very nature, will often make people angry. Freedom of speech extends to protest activity that many others may find shocking, disturbing or offensive. However, no one has the right to be gratuitously offensive or insulting. I have no doubt it is abusive and insulting to tell soldiers to 'Go to hell' – to call soldiers 'murderers; rapists; baby killers.' It is not just insulting to the soldiers but to the citizens and public of Luton who were out on the streets that day to honour and welcome the soldiers home. Citizens of Luton are entitled to demonstrate their support for the troops without experiencing insults and abuse. Their freedom of expression must be protected. Whilst Article 10.2 protects the rights of people to hold and express a different viewpoint, it does not give these particular defendants the right to abuse and insult soldiers gratuitously. "
" The method they chose to convey an otherwise legitimate belief…..was so unreasonable and disproportionately expressed so as to deprive them of the protection of article 10. "
" On the evidence I have heard from Detective Chief Inspector Upex, the senior investigating officer, I find:
i. The decision to prosecute was a carefully considered and measured one…..
ii. Consultation with the CPS took place at the highest level;
iii. A special investigation team was set up with hours of video footage viewed and reviewed;
iv. There were over 500 pages of unused material accumulated which demonstrates the rigour and thoroughness of the investigation and the consideration given to the prosecution;
v. There was no evidence of improper outside influence being brought to bear
…….
I find that a criminal prosecution and conviction of 5 of the 7 defendants is a proportionate response to the legitimate aim of protection of society and maintenance of public order not only for the future but to ensure that there is public confidence and support in the peace keeping responsibilities of the police and the courts. "
QUESTIONS I and II
i) Whether DJ Mellanby erred in deciding that she lacked jurisdiction? ("Jurisdiction")ii) Whether the abuse argument can be sustained? ("Substance")
Having regard to the stage the case had now reached, there was no question of remitting it to the Judge for reconsideration.
i) So far as concerns the meeting on the 9th March, I agree with Mr. Chaudhuri; the police gave no assurances other than that they would do their best to facilitate the protest. It is important to underline that there was no discussion about what would be appropriate or legitimate protest. The mere fact that the police would do what they could to assist, did not begin to amount to a blank cheque as to the Appellants' future conduct.ii) Turning to the events of the day, as is clear from the Case, the police faced a most difficult task. Holding the ring in such circumstances was anything but easy. As it seems to me, the police were fully occupied in safeguarding both the parade and the Appellants' protest – not to mention the Appellants themselves. Nothing they did or did not do on that day (as set out in the Case) rendered future prosecution unfair. The Appellants' case, with respect, risks standing reality on its head; the police were not the Appellants' legal advisers. It was the Appellants' duty to keep on the right side of the law; that was not a responsibility they could abdicate or transfer to the police. The police had a broad discretion whether or not to intervene in the light of the Appellants' words and conduct; but the exercise of the discretion not to intervene did not jeopardise any future prosecution. Moreover, the criticism can readily be imagined which would have been levelled at the police had they, there and then, directed the Appellants to cease their protest.
iii) For these reasons, relating both to the events of the 9th and 10th March, there was nothing unfair in the prosecution of the Appellants – subject of course to the issues raised by Question V, dealt with below.
" …in the case of magistrates this power [exercising control over their proceedings through an abuse of process jurisdiction] should be strictly confined to matters directly affecting the fairness of the trial of the particular accused with whom they are dealing, such as delay or unfair manipulation of court procedures."
See too, Watts (supra), at [24].
QUESTIONS III and IV
QUESTION V
i) The starting point is the importance of the right to freedom of expression.ii) In this regard, it must be recognised that legitimate protest can be offensive at least to some – and on occasions must be, if it is to have impact. Moreover, the right to freedom of expression would be unacceptably devalued if it did no more than protect those holding popular, mainstream views; it must plainly extend beyond that so that minority views can be freely expressed, even if distasteful.
iii) The justification for interference with the right to freedom of expression must be convincingly established. Accordingly, while Art. 10 does not confer an unqualified right to freedom of expression, the restrictions contained in Art. 10.2 are to be narrowly construed.
iv) There is not and cannot be any universal test for resolving when speech goes beyond legitimate protest, so attracting the sanction of the criminal law. The justification for invoking the criminal law is the threat to public order. Inevitably, the context of the particular occasion will be of the first importance.
v) The relevance of the threat to public order should not be taken as meaning that the risk of violence by those reacting to the protest is, without more, determinative; some times it may be that protesters are to be protected. That said, in striking the right balance when determining whether speech is "threatening, abusive or insulting", the focus on minority rights should not result in overlooking the rights of the majority.
vi) Plainly, if there is no prima facie case that speech was "threatening, abusive or insulting" or that the other elements of the s.5 offence can be made good, then no question of prosecution will arise. However, even if there is otherwise a prima facie case for contending that an offence has been committed under s.5, it is still for the Crown to establish that prosecution is a proportionate response, necessary for the preservation of public order.
vii) If the line between legitimate freedom of expression and a threat to public order has indeed been crossed, freedom of speech will not have been impaired by "ruling …out" threatening, abusive or insulting speech: per Lord Reid, in Brutus v Cozens [1973] AC 854, at p. 862.
viii) The legislature has entrusted the decision in a case such as the present to Magistrates or a District Judge. The test for this Court on an appeal of this nature is whether the decision to which the District Judge has come was open to her or not. This Court should not interfere unless, on well known grounds, the Appellants can establish that the decision to which the District Judge has come is one she could not properly have reached.
See: Percy v DPP [2001] EWHC Admin 1125; Hammond (supra); Dehal v Crown Prosecution Service [2005] EWHC 2154 (Admin).
i) Context is of the first importance. There was all the difference between expressing the view that the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan were illegal or immoral and that British forces should not be engaged in them and the abusive and insulting chants of the Appellants. To attend a parade of this nature and to shout that this country's soldiers were "murderers", "baby killers", "rapists all of you" who would or should "burn in hell", gave rise, as the Judge concluded, to a very clear threat to public order. In passing, that the words shouted were the same as those on the placards, does not advance the Appellants' case; whatever impression the placards would of themselves have conveyed, the impact of the chants must have added significantly to the charged atmosphere on the day. Nothing in the evidence suggests that only bigots or extremists were outraged. It is the Appellants' good fortune, most probably attributable to skilful policing, that there was no serious outbreak of violence. As Mr. Chaudhuri put it for the Crown, what the Appellants shouted was potentially defamatory and undoubtedly inflammatory. I agree. The Judge was entitled to hold that it went well beyond legitimate expressions of protest.ii) Against this background, both with regard to the events of the day itself and also because, unfortunately, such incidents may recur, prosecution was a proportionate response. For completeness, it is not without interest, that, as we were told, prosecution followed too in the case of some who had evinced hostility to the Appellants and their supporters.
iii) In essence, the Appellants' response overlaps with the considerations already discussed under Questions I and II: namely, the fact that the Appellants were not arrested on the day. I am unable to accept this argument. While I do not think that the police could for a moment have been criticised had they arrested the Appellants there and then, there is much to be said for the police efforts to keep the events of that day as low key as possible, concentrating on the more immediate matter of preventing outbreaks of violence. On the facts of this case, there is likewise much to be said for the deferred and measured decision to prosecute, taken following a careful review of the evidence and after the dust had settled. On any view, I cannot see that the manner in which the decision to prosecute unfolded in any way renders the prosecution disproportionate. For the avoidance of doubt, nothing said in this judgment should discourage dialogue with the police in advance of any protest; such dialogue can only help to reduce the risk of untoward events but it cannot guarantee in advance that the words and conduct of protesters will not contravene the law – a fortiori, when nothing has been said in such discussions as to what will be said or exhibited in the course of the protest.
THE QUESTIONS ANSWERED
i) Questions I and II: The only reasonable conclusion to which the Judge (or this Court) could have come was that there was no abuse of process. Accordingly, though the Judge may have erred (I express no final view) in holding that she lacked jurisdiction to consider the aspect of abuse of process in issue, the point is academic.ii) Question III: At the close of the prosecution case, the Judge was bound to consider Art. 10, ECHR, in that s.5 of the Act is to be read together with Art. 10. It is not apparent that the Judge did not consider Art. 10. If, however, she did not or did not adequately do so, it makes no practical difference, because the only reasonable conclusion to which the Judge could have come was that the submission of no case to answer was to be rejected.
iii) Question IV: Yes.
iv) Question V: The Judge was entitled to conclude that the prosecution of the Appellants was a proportionate response. Question V(a) is to be answered "yes". Question V(b) does not arise.
MR JUSTICE DAVIS: