COURT OF APPEAL (CIVIL DIVISION)
ON APPEAL FROM THE UPPER TRIBUNAL
(ADMINISTRATIVE APPEALS CHAMBER)
Upper Tribunal Judge Edward Jacobs
Strand, London, WC2A 2LL |
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B e f o r e :
LORD JUSTICE RICHARDS
and
LORD JUSTICE GOLDRING
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Humphreys |
Appellant |
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- and - |
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The Commissioners for Her Majesty's Revenue and Customs |
Respondents |
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Jason Coppel (instructed by The Commissioners for HMRC) for the Respondents
Hearing date : 2 December 2009
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Lord Justice Richards : This is the judgment of the court.
The legislation
"8.(1) Entitlement of the person or persons by whom a claim for child tax credit has been made is dependent on him, or either or both of them, being responsible for one or more children or qualifying young persons.
(2) Regulations may make provision for the purposes of child tax credit as to the circumstances in which a person is or is not responsible for a child or qualifying young person."
Section 9 makes provision for determining the maximum rate at which a person or persons may be entitled to CTC. It makes specific provision in subsection (7) for a possible apportionment of CTC:
"9.(7) If, in accordance with regulations under section 8(2), more than one claimant may be entitled to child tax credit in respect of the same child or qualifying young person, the prescribed manner of determination may include provision for the amount of any element of child tax credit included in the case of any one or more of them to be less than it would be if only one claimant were so entitled."
"3.(1) For the purposes of child tax credit the circumstances in which a person is or is not responsible for a child or qualifying young person shall be determined in accordance with the following Rules.
Rule 1
1.1 A person shall be treated as responsible for a child or qualifying young person who is normally living with him (the 'the normally living with test').
1.2 This Rule is subject to Rules 2 to 4.
Rule 2 (Competing claims)
2.1 This Rule applies where
(a) a child or qualifying young person normally lives with two or more persons in
(i) different households ; and
(b) two or more of those persons make separate claims (that is, not a single joint claim made by a married couple or unmarried couple) for child tax credit in respect of the child or qualifying young person.
2.2 The child or qualifying young person shall be treated as the responsibility of
(a) only one of those persons making such claims, and
(b) whichever of them has (comparing between them) the main responsibility for him (the 'main responsibility test'),
subject to Rules 3 and 4.
Rule 3
3.1 The persons mentioned in Rule 2.2 (other than the child or qualifying young person) may jointly elect as to which of them satisfies the main responsibility test for the child or qualifying young person, and in default of agreement the Board may determine that question on the information available to them at the time of their determination."
"Clauses 8 and 9 provide the framework for entitlement to the child tax credit. The draft Child Tax Credit Regulations provide the detailed provision that will sit within that framework. Together, those measures create a system that ensures that the family with main responsibility for a child will be provided with a suitable level of support, depending on their needs. That is similar to many current systems of support for children, and we believe that currently it provides the most suitable means to ensure that we can focus support on raising children out of poverty.
Our present aim is to enable one family to claim support for any particular child at any one time. That is the principle on which the Bill, the draft regulations and the business systems being developed are based. There are several sound reasons for that approach. Usually, the person or couple who have the main responsibility for care of a child bear more of the everyday responsibilities for the child, and meet the everyday expenditure for him or her. It is vital, especially for families on lower incomes, that enough support is directed to that family to lift the child from poverty, or to keep him or her out of poverty."
"However, we recognise that patterns of care may be changing. That is the reason for the amendments. Many more families share responsibility for children than was previously the case, especially where a family has split up resulting in both parents sharing responsibility for the children from the former relationship. The increase in shared responsibilities between families raises the question of whether, in future, directing support to one family will continue to be the right approach. We are determined to keep the provision of Government support in such cases under review, in order to ensure that we meet the needs of the children involved.
We have no intention, however, of making any hasty or ill-considered changes to our present approach. The question of shared responsibility for children goes wider than tax credit and affects other systems of support that recognise the needs of families with children such as housing benefit. Even if, in the light of the changing climate on this issue, we became persuaded that a change in approach was warranted, such a change could not be made overnight.
The consultation exercise on the tax credits and our continuing contact with lobby groups have shown that payment of support to the family with the main responsibility for the child is seen as the most appropriate way to deal with the vast majority of families with children. If there were to be a change, it would have to be carefully thought about; there would need to be careful preparation of the ground with claimants and advisers. Any change would also entail extensive and expensive IT and business systems changes, which would require detailed analysis and take time to establish.
We will continue to stand by our intention to direct payment to the family containing the person with the main responsibility for the child, and entitlement will not be divided in cases where more than one household is involved in care of a child.
Against that background, we see the need to make some protective changes to the Bill to equip us to change the way we deal with shared care cases if it became apparent that a different approach was more appropriate. To provide us with that flexibility, Lords amendment No.14 would allow us to vary the amount of the individual element in the child tax credit to reflect any relevant factors, such as shared responsibility for a child. That mirrors a similar power already present in the family element.
Lords amendment No.15 would enable us, where more than one claim is received for a particular child or children, to pay each family a reduced amount of any element payable in respect of any particular child to reflect the level of care that the family provides. If we decided, in the future, to recognise a claim for a child by more than one household at any one time, we would not want those households to be in a better position in terms of tax credits than a family who had stayed together throughout and were solely responsible for a child.
Lords amendments Nos. 13, 16 and 101 allow us to define the phrase 'being responsible for a child' separately for the purposes of the child tax credit and the working tax credit. However, the key factor in making the amendments is to make clear in the Bill that, if, in future, tax credits have to reflect shared care responsibility, entitlement can be divided and not duplicated.
The new tax credits will provide an important source of financial support, especially for families on the lowest incomes. We recognise that it is important to be able to process claims as quickly as possible and get awards into payment. However, as with all forms of support, we have to reflect the complexities of real life; the rules may be complex. That is why we do not think it is appropriate to rush into making changes.
We are already aware that in many cases where a dispute arises over who is responsible for a child, its resolution can be time consuming and difficult. Those difficulties are unlikely to reduce if, in future, we recognise more than one claim. It will be necessary to undertake a great deal of detailed discussion and consultation about the practicalities of how we could deliver such a change. For example, we might wish to confine access to child credit to those who care for a child for at least three or four days a week, or, looking at the matter more broadly, for about 40 per cent of the time on a regular basis. The powers that we have taken would enable such matters to be covered in secondary legislation, which can be fine tuned more readily if necessary, following detailed considerations and consultation ."
The issue
The judgments in Hockenjos
"44. I agree with Mr Drabble's submission that there is a point at which is becomes no longer possible or appropriate to defer to the Member State's broad margin of appreciation on social policy. That point is reached when the effect of doing so would be to frustrate the implementation of a fundamental principle of Community law. It is therefore necessary to feed into the question of proportionality the importance of the principle of equality. In doing so the Secretary of State, and subsequently the court, is doing no more than taking account of a fundamental concept of Community law. The starting point is that the problem highlighted is sufficiently great that it strikes at a principle of Community law. That that is so in this case there is no doubt.
45. Accordingly, in my judgment the position is this. The law is set out in the European Court's judgment in Seymour-Smith. The Secretary of State must first show that the discriminatory rule reflects a legitimate aim of the UK's social policy. Next he must show that the aim is unrelated to any discrimination based on sex and finally that he could reasonably consider that the means chose are suitable for attaining that aim. Built into this final question is the balance between holding fast to the Community's fundamental principles, on the one hand, and the Member State's freedom to achieve its own social policy, on the other."
"61. It is forcibly argued that a system in which a substantial minority carer can be left short of money to meet the necessities of life is seriously deficient. One possible solution might be a flat rate for a minority carer. Be that as it may, it is not up to the appellant to put forward what the arrangements should be. The Secretary of State has been aware of the problem at the very least since the Court of Appeal sent the case back to a commissioner in May 2001. So he has had ample opportunity to explore other options; but he has not done so .
62. Mr Drabble accepts the appropriateness of some bright-line rule. Complete equality cannot be achieved in all situations, but at least the result should be fairer than at present. The present arrangements fail to direct the money to where it needs to go. The Secretary of State has to justify that only one parent receives the supplement where two are in need of it. In my judgment there is considerable force in the point that the Secretary of State has failed to justify treating only one parent as responsible in circumstances when the reality is that both are. A freestanding test of responsibility spelt out in regulations would be likely to be fairer than the present proxy link to child benefit. As Mr Drabble points out, the real vice of the present system is that payment of the supplement is dependent on receipt of child benefit.
63. The burden is on the Secretary of State to justify the discrimination that undoubtedly arises from the legislation, as it presently exists. The Secretary of State has never, on the evidence, applied his mind to the question of whether there is a better or different way of achieving the policy aim that would avoid, or at the very least diminish, the discrimination, which is at present considerable. For one thing, there is no evidence that the Secretary of State has ever considered the extent of the discrimination. It is not for the court to explore other options, but looking at the care position over a period longer than a week and a flat rate payment for a minority carer are obvious possibilities."
"112. In those circumstances, with one qualification, I am driven to the conclusion that these reasons produced by the Secretary of State should be accepted as justification, and to agree with the conclusions of the commissioner that the single payment/single claimant rule is within the broad margin of discretion available to the Member State.
113. The one qualification is this. Part of the legitimate aim of the Secretary of State is to produce a fair distribution . I have referred above to the stark disparity between the financial position of Mr Hockenjos and that of his female comparator. As Mr Drabble submits, if a person has shared care of a child for substantial periods of time but does not receive dependant's additions or family premium, he or she will be forced to live substantially below subsistence level. The Secretary of State could not, in my judgment, reasonably consider that a scheme which produced this result was necessary or appropriate to achieve his legitimate aim, unless possibly he could reasonably consider that very few individuals were involved or that the scheme was shortly to be replaced by another scheme under which this problem could be taken care of. The position here is that the Secretary of State has not ascertained the number of persons who may be affected: although no claims have been received, there may well be a significant number of such persons . As to the question of the JSA scheme being replaced, unless this had happened within a very short time frame, I do not consider that this could alter the conclusion that the Secretary of State could not reasonably consider that the scheme was necessary or suitable to achieve the legitimate aim of his policy .
114. On the other hand, the conclusion I have reached would only apply where the person sharing care is responsible either equally or at least to the extent of 43 per cent (3/7) of the time for the children in question. There has to be a dividing line somewhere ."
"171. The crucial question is whether the Secretary of State could reasonably decide to implement this scheme. Making all allowance for the margin of discretion afforded to him, I nonetheless emphatically conclude that he has failed to justify the discrimination in this case. My reasons are:
(1) He is hardly in a position of strength to argue his case when it is quite apparent that he never addressed the problem of shared care and its impact on fathers. Afterthoughts are allowed but they are seldom convincing. The paucity of the evidence filed on his behalf reflects the barrenness of his argument.
(2) The way the scheme operates totally to exclude the father amounts to a frustration of the equal treatment principle .
(3) The aim is to distribute this subsistence benefit not just efficiently but also fairly. To allow a father nothing for the maintenance of the child when he shares care virtually equally is so unfair that no reasonable Secretary of State should countenance it. He was acting unreasonably because he was giving greater weight to administrative convenience when the social aim of his policy was to hold fairness and convenience as closely balanced as possible. A system allowing for apportionment would have achieved that balance.
172. In my judgment linking responsibility to child benefit cannot be objectively justified."
"173. The next question is whether the rule that only one person is to be treated as responsible can be justified. The main justification for this is that the welfare of the child demands it in that it is better to have the limited funds in the hands of one parent, especially when regard is had to the fact that there are capital elements built into the allowances for renewal of clothing etc. No figures were given to support this assertion. We are told that an itemised calculation is made annually. If so, the items of 'capital' expenditure can be isolated and a figure for week-by-week living expenses calculated. If x per cent of the allowance represents the cost of a week's maintenance, it is not that difficult to say that the father can have 33 per cent, 40 per cent or 50 per cent of x as may be appropriate on a rough and ready basis depending on the amount of time the child is in his care. That would be fair. It would also more realistically target the interests of the child because his welfare can hardly be promoted by leaving him living with a father who can hardly afford to keep him. In cases of shared care the Secretary of State cannot reasonably justify this rule.
174. There is another consideration. That notion that only one parent is to be treated as responsible for his or her child and the other parent is deemed not to be responsible at all is a total anathema to a family lawyer. A cornerstone of the reforming Children Act 1989 is that where the parents were married to each other at his birth each shall have parental responsibility for the child see s.2(1). Each may act alone and without the other in meeting that responsibility see s.2(7). To be forced to treat only one as responsible where there is a shared residence order in force and in operation is grotesque. It is degrading to fathers who actually and lovingly tend to their children. A law so framed is so far removed from reality that it brings the law into disrepute and justifiably fuels the passion of protesting fathers. Both the legal position and the current vociferous protests are factors properly to be taken into account, and there is no evidence that they, especially the former, have had any adequate consideration. There is no justification for social security law to march out of step with the general law and with the instinctive reactions of reasonable mothers and fathers, and this is a further reason why no reasonable Secretary of State should tolerate such a demeaning discrimination against fathers.
175. In my judgment treating only one of the parents as responsible for a child who resides with each of them for part of the week cannot be objectively justified."
Review of the CTC arrangements following Hockenjos
"1. I am a policy advisor in the Benefits and Credits Group of HMRC; that group being responsible for Child Tax Credits and Child Benefit.
3. The purpose of this statement is to confirm that following the case of Hockenjos, in December 2004, officials within HMRC and HM Treasury did conduct an internal review of the validity of the justifications for the rules which are under challenge in these proceedings (and of the equivalent rules in relation to Child Benefit). The internal review recognised the increasing incidence of shared care arrangements and considered a range of policy options including (a) retaining the current system of payment to a single carer, (b) splitting payments of CTC between carers, apportioned according to shared care arrangements and (c) making CTC awards to both parents in shared care cases.
4. In relation to each option, officials considered a number of factors including (a) the logic behind the option and how it would work, (b) the effect on the wider benefits system, (c) the effect on public expenditure, (d) the support which would be offered for shared parenting, (e) the effect on the administration of CTC.
5. The conclusion reached by officials, having considered these factors, was that there had been no material changes in the balance of policies which had led to the enactment of the original CTC regime, and payments being made to a single carer. Therefore, no further work was undertaken with regard to reforming the current system."
SINGLE PAYMENT | SPLIT PAYMENT | |
Precedent | Option generally adopted across benefit system: child benefit, income support child premia, housing and council tax benefit | Supplementary Benefit rules allowed sharing of child's scale rate Tax allowance of Children's Tax Credit, until 2003 |
Rationale | CTC aims to protect children from poverty Single payment ensures that the main carer has sufficient income to keep children out of poverty |
Split amount of single payment between parents actively participating in care of child Targets financial support at both carers, tailored to time in which they are chiefly responsible for care of a child, and according to individual incomes |
Impact on benefits system | Myriad of other benefits based on single payment even where child actually lives in more than one household | Immediate impact on WTC, assessed in tandem to CTC and contains elements for lone parents & childcare Pressure for reform of other benefits also based on single payment |
Public expenditure | No additional expenditure required Maximises amount of current resources going to child |
No additional expenditure on benefit paid But greater expenditure on administrative costs |
Support for shared parenting | Can be paid to minority carer by agreement, or if more than one child Responsive to changes in care arrangements |
Recognises financial contribution of both carers But financial incentive for greater proportion of care may lead to greater conflict over care arrangements |
Administration | Avoids difficult administrative and IT changes | Administratively complex, requiring extensive redevelopment of IT and business systems Decisions on appropriate split problematic (time spent with, money spent by, each carer, their other financial resources etc) Care pattern difficult to verify without formal agreement, and can change regularly Compliance risk re monitoring shared care arrangements |
Other factors | Children in shared care arrangements treated in same way as children in nuclear family | Money moved away from primary carers, usually lone parents, risking increase in child poverty Adverse implications for level of support if total award based on both parents' income Pro rata award to each carer based on household income will lead to lower level of support where minority carer has higher income Difficult questions arise on repartnering |
The Upper Tribunal judge's decision
"44. This is very different from the position before the 2002 Act. A jobseeker's allowance, to take as an example the benefit involved in Hockenjos, was assessed on the needs of the family as a whole, with the children included as part of that whole. But under the 2002 Act, the children are given separate treatment. The effect may be similar in substance, but the focus is now different and it is supported by a different rationale the reduction in child poverty. That is clearly a legitimate aim. In that context, the decision to make one award only in respect of a child is not discriminatory. Nor is it discriminatory to pay the award to the primary carer as a tie-breaker if the carers cannot agree.
45. The child receives the benefit of the payment, regardless of the carer to whom it is paid. The system may not be perfect, as there will inevitably be some additional costs if a child lives in different households. However, as an approach to the deployment of limited resources available, it is legitimate and efficient to distribute money in a way that avoids duplication for a particular child. That is especially so when, as in the child tax credit, the carers have the power to elect which shall receive the credit and, if they wish, to distribute between themselves the money received as the tax credit or the costs associated with caring for the child.
46. The reasoning in Hockenjos is not relevant in this different context. The Court of Appeal was concerned with the needs of the claimant in supporting his family, which included for that purpose his children. This formed part of one composite calculation, albeit with a specific element relating to the child. The focus there was on what [was] the need of the claimant and his family. What his children needed was not the subject of separate consideration. That has now changed under the tax credit regime."
The appellant's submissions
The Commissioners' submissions
Discussion and conclusion
"The enjoyment of the rights and freedoms set forth in this Convention shall be secured without discrimination on any ground such as sex, race, colour, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, association with a national minority, property, birth or other status."
A difference of treatment within article 14 amounts to unlawful discrimination if it does not have an objective justification, that is to say "if it does not pursue a legitimate aim or if there is not a reasonable relationship of proportionality between the means employed and the aim sought to be realised" (Stec v United Kingdom, at para 51; R (RJM) v Secretary of State for Work and Pensions, at para 48). The relevant aim in this case was not the subject of detailed submissions but can be seen to be, in broad terms, the provision of support for children as part of the government's strategy of reducing child poverty. There is no dispute as to the legitimacy of the aim. The dispute relates to the issue of proportionality.
"The scope of this margin will vary according to the circumstances, the subject-matter and the background. As a general rule, very weighty reasons would have to be put forward before the Court could regard a difference in treatment based exclusively on the ground of sex as compatible with the Convention. On the other hand, a wide margin is usually allowed to the State under the Convention when it comes to general measures of economic or social strategy. Because of their direct knowledge of their society and its needs, the national authorities are in principle better placed than the international judge to appreciate what is in the public interest on social or economic grounds, and the Court will generally respect the legislature's policy choice unless it is 'manifestly without reasonable foundation'".
"54. However, policy concerned with social welfare payments must inevitably be something of a blunt instrument, and social policy is an area where a wide measure of appreciation is accorded by the ECtHR to the state . As Lord Bingham said about a rather different statute, '[a] general rule means that a line must be drawn, and it is for Parliament to decide where', and this 'inevitably means that hard cases will arise falling on the wrong side of it, but that should not be held to invalidate the rule if, judged in the round, it is beneficial' .
55. To similar effect, in this case, Sir Anthony Clarke MR said in the Court of Appeal that 'it is not for the courts to form a view on what is or is not appropriate policy', provided that the 'executive was entitled to form the view that there are better ways of assisting disabled homeless people than by providing money, which may be spent in ways which may do them more harm than good.'
56. In my view, the discrimination in this case was justified, in the sense that the Government was entitled to adopt and apply the policy at issue. This is an area where the court should be very slow to substitute its view for that of the executive, especially as the discrimination is not on one of the express, or primary, grounds . Further, it does not seem to me to be unreasonable for the Secretary of State to take the view that he should be encouraging the disabled homeless to seek shelter and help. Similarly, I do not think it possible to characterise as unreasonable his view that the disabled will be less likely to need a supplement if they are homeless than if they are not.
57. The fact that there are grounds for criticising, or disagreeing with, these views does not mean that they must be rejected. Equally, the fact that the line may have been drawn imperfectly does not mean that the policy cannot be justified. Of course, there will come a point where the justification for a policy is so weak, or the line has been drawn in such an arbitrary position, that, even with the broad margin of appreciation accorded to the state, the court will conclude that the policy is unjustifiable ."