QUEEN'S BENCH DIVISION
THE ADMINISTRATIVE COURT
Strand London WC2A 2LL |
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B e f o r e :
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NATIONAL ANTI-VIVISECTION SOCIETY | (CLAIMANTS) | |
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FIRST SECRETARY OF STATE | (DEFENDANT) |
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Smith Bernal Wordwave Limited
190 Fleet Street London EC4A 2AG
Tel No: 020 7404 1400 Fax No: 020 7831 8838
(Official Shorthand Writers to the Court)
MR PHILIP SALES AND MR CLIVE LEWIS; MISS A PROOPS (on 30.07.04 only) (instructed by Treasury Solicitor, London SW1H 9JS) appeared on behalf of the DEFENDANT
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Crown Copyright ©
Friday, 30 July 2004
"The University of Cambridge, like many other UK universities, faces an uncertain financial future. What was an acceptable risk five years ago is no longer the case.
This has not been an easy decision to reach but ultimately, we have a responsibility to our students and staff not to take financial risks of this magnitude, and we believe that although regrettable, this is the right course of action.
The animal rights groups will of course claim this as a victory, but in our view they have won no arguments whatsoever. We still believe this work to be of significant national importance and we are already exploring with the medical research funding agencies other ways of continuing this work."
There was more, but I need not read it.
"• The national and local policy framework
• Green Belt matters
• Need for the research establishment
• Security
• Highways and highway safety
• Alternative sites
• Additional local resident issues including
noise/disturbance, pollution and fear"
The Inspector clarified that it was not within his gift, as he put it, to hear evidence on public health, the welfare of animals and the moral arguments about using animals as part of a research programme. The first two items were covered by other legislation and, as planning legislation made clear, in such circumstances the primary legislation should be relied on. The moral arguments were a matter for Parliament. He indicated that closing submissions to set out the case which each party wanted to be transmitted to the First Secretary of State would be required. Any draft conditions should, in case he were minded to allow the appeal, be prepared by the Council (the local planning authority) in consultation with the appellants (the University).
"In this case, there is no dispute that the appeal site lies in the statutory Green Belt or that within this designation the erection of a new building for a B 1 (B) use constitutes inappropriate development. Accordingly, the First Secretary is obliged to determine this appeal in accordance with a presumption against allowing inappropriate development in the Green Belt, unless there are very special circumstances to justify an exception and which clearly outweigh the harm to the Green Belt and all other harm. In establishing the balance between the identified very special circumstances and the perceived harm I find the following to be the main material considerations:
The planning policy framework;
• The need for the proposal;
• Security/demonstrations and the consequences;
• The effect on local residents;
• The visual impact and harm to the Green Belt;
• Alternative sites;
• Other material factors."
He then deals with all those in the course of his report.
"What is before the SoS in this case are letters from the DTI confirming that Government views this proposal to be in the national interest. The contention by those objecting is that the points referred to in these and other supporting letters, are all subjective and assertive. They do not go to the heart of the matter of deciding whether the scientific or medical value of a proposed non-human primate research establishment is in the national interest. The information that would facilitate this is not in the public domain and Cambridge University chose not to call any technical witness involved directly in the research projects or anyone benefiting directly from them.
14.17. I accept readily that there is no place in the planning remit for commenting on the moral or ethical aspects of animal research, even that with non-human primate involvement. Notwithstanding, if the national interest 'card' is to be prayed in aid as a very special circumstance, then I believe there is a direct obligation on the University to demonstrate this in some objective way. One way would be to tender a witness who would submit technical scientific support for the project. This might inform in some detail what has been achieved, what is currently under way and how this has been successful in advancing knowledge and, in particular, the understanding and treatment of neurological conditions. This witness would then be available to answer questions. In the absence of this, CU have to rely on the statements of support from the DTI and other members of the Government, and I address these later."
The University's case in this regard is, as I have said, set out in the Report and it would be convenient to refer to the material parts of it. I begin with paragraph 7.26, which reads:
"The use itself, while not involving a change of use in planning terms, can and should be accepted as unquestionably of the highest public importance. In this context, no apology is made for referring to and relying upon the considered views brought together in the Minister's letter dated the 22 November 2002 in response to the Inspector. This letter was written specifically to set out the Government's position to assist the inquiry and so it should be treated. It is quite wrong to say that it is a Government endorsed assertion."
I shall of course have to refer to that letter in some detail in due course.
"The Government's position is that the proposed centre, the subject of this appeal, is for that reason nationally important. It would improve research facilities through the establishment of a centre of research excellence after what the Government acknowledges at the national level has been 'years of neglect'. It is Government policy that development of such a centre of research excellence would bring with it public benefits in the national interest for 'academia, health and the economy'."
Then paragraph 7.31:
"The second matter is with regard to Cambridge particularly. Government policy states that to achieve these national objectives the research centre should be sited at Cambridge, providing as it does 'the unique expertise of individual researchers and Cambridge's leading position in the UK as a centre of research excellence and high technology cluster.' The interrelationship between the various limbs of research to the clinical, pathological and other sciences and the consequent benefit, incentive and stimulus for key scientists and researchers through association and intercourse with others in the same research and scientific fields is important."
Finally, I go to 7.37-7.39:
"Notwithstanding, written evidence on the topic has been provided and it should not be forgotten that this inquiry has not had available to it the broad based and consistent views of a medico-scientific world. This is overwhelmingly in support of the value and importance of animal research for this purpose. The objectors acknowledge that the views expressed on their behalf are very much in the minority, albeit no doubt, sincerely and strongly felt, and that generally the question is not even regarded as a subject for debate.
7.38. With one possible exception, the inquiry has not had the direct or oral evidence of any scientist in support of his/her views in opposition to that expressed as a matter of Government policy and otherwise. The principal witness to speak directly on these matters Dr Ray Greek is not a neuro-scientist. The exception, Dr Claude Reiss, spoke as the co-president of the former Doctors in Britain against animal experiments, now the DLRM, and his point was principally the absence of evidence produced to support the need, rather than any evidence to refute it.
7.39. With respect, it will be appreciated how ill-equipped this inquiry would be as a medium for determining matters of broad national approach industrial [sic] to questions of such importance to our future health and wellbeing as the use of animal research. In contrast, the Government has available to it a wide range of professional and informed advice in the light of which it is well able and has been democratically elected to determine matters of national importance of this kind. Moreover, as pointed out in the Minister's letter, this inquiry has the conclusions of the Report by the House of Lord's Select Committee on Animals in Scientific Procedures. The Committee sat for over a year and took evidence from over 100 witnesses, including Dr Ray Greek and Dr Gill Langley. It concluded unequivocally that there is a continuing need for animal experimentation, both for applied research and in research aimed purely at extending knowledge."
"CU asserts that the proposed development is of such a national importance as to constitute very special circumstances so as to rebut the presumption against development in the Green Belt and justify the proposal. To support this assertion the University places very considerable emphasis on various pronouncements of support for the proposed centre and in particular letters from Lord Sainsbury, Under Secretary of State for Science and Innovation. While it is accepted that such pronouncements are capable of being material considerations for the First SoS through his Inspector, they are no more than that and cannot be considered to be Government policy such as removing all need to demonstrate national importance."
In paragraph 9.10, this is said:
"In the normal course of events a developer seeking to rely upon national importance as the necessary very special circumstance to outweigh harm to the Green Belt would demonstrate through evidence that the proposal was, firstly, important to all and then it was important in the interests of the United Kingdom. Cambridge University has done neither."
Returning to the Inspector's conclusions at 14.18, he says this:
"With regard to the scientific/medical input, or lack of it, the appeal system has long adhered to the Frank's principles of fairness, openness and impartiality. It is not acceptable, therefore, to argue, as CU do, that the Inspector and the SoS lack the technical competence to follow the medical evidence that might be adduced and, thus, rely on the written statements and submissions of one party, however eminent."
"Similarly, the arguments about the security risk for those giving evidence are not compelling."
This was in connection with an argument put forward that witnesses could not be expected to expose themselves to the risks involved of being targeted by some of these so-called animal rights activists. The Inspector says:
"As was pointed out, there was no need for those actually involved in undertaking research on non-human primates to appear. If the research on non-human primates at CU, or any animal research at any institution, has led to successful clinical trials on humans or the establishment of other medical/clinical procedures etc, then it should have been possible to 'parade' the recipients of the research information before the inquiry. As the Coalition proposed, they could have supported the 'national interests/need' argument and, not being directly involved in animal research themselves, would not have been placing themselves at risk."
That, with respect to the Inspector, is a somewhat naive view of those who might be at risk of action by these particular people.
Then at paragraph 14.23 this is said:
"All this discussion about evidence and questioning does not mean that written representation should count for nought. Clearly they are material and have to be taken into account. However, most if not all of the scientific/medical evidence advanced by CU is challenged by objectors, with equal or more extensive written representation and some oral evidence. Under these circumstances, I would be heavily criticised if I afforded the University written evidence greater weight than that of the objectors."
Again, with respect to the Inspector, he would not be criticised at all if the University's evidence was more impressive and therefore was entitled to have greater weight attached to it than that of the objectors. I am not saying that that was necessarily the position; but that general observation is clearly not correct.
He continues in paragraph 14.24:
"Clearly, it is extremely difficult to identify the future benefits of pure or 'blue skies' research. It seems to me that there could always be something of scientific usefulness that could be established by such experiments. From the opposing standpoint, and no doubt equally valid, there can be no guarantees. Having said this, I appreciate that it might be difficult to enter into an open debate in a competitive world with material that might be sensitive.
14.25. On the basis of the technical input, therefore, I could not conclude that need in the national interest is demonstrated insofar as this pertains to the scientific/medical research and procedures undertaken by the University."
Having considered the ministerial letters and all the other relevant factors, he then in paragraph 14.36 says this:
"Looking at national interest in planning terms, if one were to accept the DTI and MRC [the Medical Research Council] arguments as compelling then it would make it much more difficult for planning authorities to resist future proposals, where no objective or specific evidence is supplied. It is almost as if these submissions consider anything that would contribute positively to the national economy should be treated as nationally important. I am certain this is not the intention of national or local planning policy guidance. Consequently, I am sure, therefore, that the information contained in the DTI and MRC letters have not, of themselves, prompted the Government, collectively, to conclude on this project's national importance.
14.37. Nor have I found the House of Lords Report into 'Animal in Scientific Procedures' crucial. On many counts the Report raises similar concerns to those aired at this inquiry. However, as I understand it, their Lordships were commenting on 'animal research' as a generic interest, not specifically in respect of research on non-human primates. In any event, it is clear that considerable evidence and submission was available to them in assisting them to their recommendation. Not least, I assume they were able to 'test' the submissions of those directly involved. These facilities were not made available to the planning inquiry. As mentioned above, from the planning inquiry viewpoint this must be seen to be fair, open and impartial. Without this, the fears of some objectors that the outcome is a foregone conclusion is granted credibility."
That is, I think, all I need read from the Inspector's report.
"In view of the representations from Lord Sainsbury (as outlined above), the Secretary of State considers that the proposed development would be in line with Government policy and would fulfil an identified need for this type of research. In the Secretary of State's view, the proposed centre for Behavioural and Neuroscience will be a vital contribution to the Government's aim to promote an internationally competitive knowledge economy in the UK which will generate both wealth and deliver health and other quality of life benefits. This is a moving area of research and the proposed development would create a centre of research close to a concentration of scientists capable of understanding and advancing scientific knowledge in this area. It is the Secretary of State's view that, if the research work is not undertaken promptly in this centre there is a risk that leading scientists would be lost from Cambridge and the UK and the opportunity to strengthen Cambridge's and the UK's role in leading edge research could be lost. The Secretary of State notes that the appellants have indicated that failure to secure planning permission on this site would in all probability be the end of meaningful biomedical research on non-human primates in Cambridge. He considers that there is force in this assessment, and has weighed in the balance the benefits of the research being carried out at this location by these appellants which will facilitate the creation of a centre of excellence in this area of science.
23. It is the Secretary of State's view that a major issue he needs to consider is how much weight should be attached to these wider policy benefits which have the strong support of Government as being nationally important. The Secretary of State disagrees with the approach to the analysis of need and national interest taken by the Inspector in IR 14.17-14.29. In the light of the evidence before him, the Secretary of State attaches significant weight to these wider benefits and Government policy to promote a Centre for Behavioural Neuroscience in the UK and specifically in the Cambridge area.
24. The Secretary of State has considered the Inspector's comments on the letters from the Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for Science and Innovation, Lord Sainsbury and the MRC and the Inspector's conclusion that if one were to accept the arguments put forward as compelling it would make it much more difficult for planning authorities to resist future proposals where no objective or specific evidence is supplied. The Secretary of State disagrees. There is clear evidence that the proposed development is regarded by Government as being of national importance and that it is fully in line with Government policy. It is the Secretary of State's view that the letters from the Parliament Under Secretary of State for Science and Innovation are specific evidence to that effect. Moreover, there is always likely to be an inherent difficulty in relation to any area of academic scientific research in establishing exactly what commercial benefits, improved employment prospects etc may result from it. But that does not mean that the benefits which may result are not substantial. In the current context, the Government assesses that the benefits are likely to be substantial, and the Secretary of State gives considerable weight to that assessment.
25. The Secretary of State does not agree with the Inspector that the letters from the Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for Science, DTI, and MRC have not of themselves prompted the Government collectively to include on this project's national importance. It is the Secretary of State's views that as a clear statement of policy from a Government Minister with responsibility in the area and acting in his ministerial capacity, the letters from Lord Sainsbury, which support the case made by the Chief Scientific Adviser, reflect the Government's collective view.
26. The Secretary of State notes the Inspector's conclusion that there are several arguments that could be seen in favour of this project, but that taking the points individually or cumulatively he does not see them as so compelling as to justify this particular project as one in the national interest. For the reasons outlined above, the Secretary of State considers that the development is clearly in line with Government policy and is strongly in the national interest and it is to these considerations he attaches significant weight."
"I confirm that the DTI would regard this proposal as nationally important. The UK has world-class neuroscience, and this Centre would consolidate the UK's position as a global leader. It brings together outstanding scientists to work on significant research problems in an inter-disciplinary environment using state-of-the-art facilities and enhanced animal accommodation at an institution where neuroscience has significant strength and potential. Centres of this kind are key to translating Government policies into reality.
The Government's policy is to promote an internationally competitive, knowledge economy in the UK, capable of generating new wealth, but also delivering health and other quality of life benefits. Science and technology have a leading role to play. We are determined to make the UK a centre of excellence for world science. This in turn involves nurturing centres of excellence within the UK so that they can enjoy the modern facilities required for leading-edge research, draw together the multi-disciplinary teams able to use them to address challenging problems, and interact fruitfully with potential users of the research in academia, industry, and the wider economy.
We have made these policies clear in, for example, relevant White Papers (Excellence and Opportunity: a science and innovation policy for the 21st century and Opportunity for All in a World of Change: a White Paper on Enterprise, Skills, Innovation), in substantial extra public funding for science and its exploitation, and in reports and guidelines on the creation and expansion of clusters and other links between businesses, and between business and university research."
There was a degree of jargon in what I have read. I think most of it is understandable and fairly clear. But "clusters", as I understand it, refer to the bringing together of the various necessary centres to deal with matters so that they are close together. An example obviously is that this sort of centre needs to be at or close to a university which has the scientists who are able to work in it.
"More generally, the proposed Centre should strengthen Cambridge's role in leading-edge research, and the development of the area as one of the main 'clusters' in the UK's knowledge economy. The White Paper 'Excellence and Opportunity' (paragraph 3.26 and following), Planning Policy Guidelines 11 and 12, and the recent DTI report 'Business Clusters in the UK - a first assessment' provide further information on the Government's policies on cluster development and its importance to UK competitiveness, and in particular Cambridge's contribution.
As you know, the Government strongly supports the lawful use of animals in research, regulated by the Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act and the Home Office, and we must work to make accommodation for laboratory animals as world-class as the science it is intended to promote. The proposal consolidates gains in both these areas, and it is of national importance for that reason also.
Finally, I fully recognise that the location of the Centre is a matter for the university and the planning authorities. Planning applications are properly for the planning authorities, and they need to take a range of considerations into account in reaching their decisions. I am content for you to release this letter to them, and for them to make it available to all parties with an interest in any planning application for the proposed Centre."
"I am writing to clarify the Government's position on a number of issues that have arisen thus far in the appeal.
Firstly, I would like to emphasise that my letter of April 2001 to the Vice-Chancellor, Sir Alec Bruces, and the letters from the Government's Chief Scientific Adviser, Professor David King, of 25 September 2001 to Councillor Healey and 16 January 2002 to Mr David Hussell represent Government policy, and are not just views expressed by myself, Professor King, and the DTI. Government policy for research has been set out in the documents referred to in my earlier letter, and more recently in Investing in Innovation, A Strategy for Science, Engineering and Technology, July 2002."
The letters from Professor King are supportive of the proposal, but are concerned largely with the Government's commitment to combat the threat posed by the unlawful activities of a minority who oppose any sort of experimentation on animals. Accordingly, it is not necessary for me to read them in the context of this claim.
"Against this policy background, the Government believes that the proposed Centre for Behavioural Neuroscience continues to be nationally important, amongst other things:
• to improve national research infrastructure after years of neglect;
• to develop centres of research excellence, with benefits for academia, health and the economy;
• to improve accommodation for animals used in research;
• to ensure legitimate research involving animals is able to proceed despite intimidation.
The earlier correspondence and other evidence that you will have seen, for example from the Medical Research Council, have amplified these points. They also make clear why the research needs to be sited in Cambridge building on the unique expertise of individual researchers, and Cambridge's leading position in the UK as a centre of research excellence and high-technology cluster.
I must also make clear that, though the Government regards the proposal as nationally important, it cannot comment at this stage on the specific site. We fully recognise that planning procedures must properly take their course, and in this case I understand that the final determination will need to be made at a later date by the Deputy Prime Minister in the light of your report.
The Government is aware of the argument that scientific procedures involving the use of animals, including primates, are unnecessary or bad science. It does not accept this view. Such procedures need to pass the tests set down in legislation and subsequent regulation by the Home Office. These are particularly stringent in the case of primates. If viable alternatives to the use of animals, or means of reducing or refining the procedures are available, then they must be employed. In addition, publicly funded science in generally subject to rigorous peer review by the national or international scientific community, from the viewpoint of scientific credibility and value for money.
The Government accepts prevailing scientific opinion, again reflected in the MRC submission to you but also, among many others, by the UK Life Science Committee, that animals will continue to be needed in research, subject to the above tests and regulation. A recent House of Lords Select Committee investigated the efficacy of animals experiments and concluded in its report Animals in Scientific Procedures (16 July 2002) that there is at present a continued need for such experiments both in applied research and in research aimed purely at extending knowledge, though it also commended greater efforts to develop alternatives. The Government concurs."
The reference to the House of Lords Report leads me to refer briefly to the Government's response to it, and in particular to the Government's comments on its relevant conclusions. One of its conclusions was that there was at present a continued need for animal experiments both in applied research and research aimed purely at extending knowledge. The Government's comments were these:
"This is also the Government's view. Fundamental and applied scientific research is essential for progress and, in the field of healthcare, research using animals has contributed to almost every medical advance in the last century. Although the situation may change in the future, the development of all new drugs, and a number of medical and veterinary technologies which help to reduce suffering and prevent large-scale infections among humans and animals continues to depend on this carefully regulated and responsible use of animals for research, drug development and testing."
"The Government welcomes the Select Committee's recognition of the progress that has been made since 1987, both with regard to the number of animals used - which has fallen insignificantly - and in particular in establishing a culture of care in designated establishments. During this period great progress has been made in the introduction of non-animal methods and the refinement of procedures that still require the use of animals. However, the Government is not complacent and remains committed to the fullest possible application of the 3Rs. We see progress with the 3Rs to be the responsibility of the entire biomedical research community, and believe that the development of 3Rs strategies should be embedded in mainstream biomedical research rather than separated from it."
"The circumstances in which the question of cross-examination arose in the instant case were the following. Before the inquiry opened each objector had received a document containing a statement of the minister's reasons for proposing the draft scheme. It was itself a long and detailed document, and was accompanied by an even longer and more detailed one called 'Strategic Studies Information,' which gave an account of various traffic studies that had been undertaken between 1964 and 1973 in the area to be served by the M42 Bromsgrove and M41 Warwick, the methodology used for those studies and the conclusions reached. The second paragraph of the minister's statement of reasons said: 'The government's policy to build these new motorways' (sc. for which the two schemes provided) 'will not be open to debate at the forthcoming inquiries[sic]: the Secretary of State is answerable to Parliament for this policy.'
'Policy' as descriptive of departmental decisions to pursue a particular course of conduct is a protean word and much confusion in the instant case has, in my view, been caused by a failure to define the sense in which it can properly be used to describe a topic which is unsuitable to be the subject of an investigation as to its merits at an inquiry at which only persons with local interests affected by the scheme are entitled to be represented. A decision to construct a nationwide network of motorways is clearly one of government policy in the widest sense of the term. Any proposal to alter it is appropriate to be the subject of debate in Parliament, not of separate investigations in each of scores of local inquiries before individual inspectors up and down the country upon whatever material happens to be presented to them at the particular inquiry over which they preside. So much the respondents readily concede."
It is said that this inquiry was somewhat different because it was not only persons with local interests affected who were represented; the Coalition was afforded the right to be represented in accordance with Rule 6 of the Planning Inquiry Procedure Rules and it had wider interests than the merely local ones. It did contain supporters who were local, and it also put forward objections which themselves were local in the sense that they were objections to this development at this site. Nonetheless, this was a local inquiry concerned with whether this development should take place at 307 Huntingdon Road.
Returning to Lord Diplock's speech, he continued:
"At the other extreme the selection of the exact line to be followed through a particular locality by a motorway designed to carry traffic between the destinations that it is intended to serve would not be described as involving government policy in the ordinary sense of that term. It affects particular local interests only and normally does not affect the interests of any wider section of the public, unless a suggested variation of the line would involve exorbitant expenditure of money raised by taxation. It is an appropriate subject for full investigation at a local inquiry and is one on which the inspector by whom the investigation is to be conducted can form a judgment on which to base a recommendation which deserves to carry weight with the minister in reaching a final decision as to the line the motorway should follow.
Between the black and white of these two extremes, however, there is what my noble and learned friend, Lord Lane, in the course of the hearing described as a 'grey area'. Because of the time that must elapse between the preparation of any scheme and the completion of the stretch of motorway that it authorises, the department, in deciding in what order new stretches of the national network ought to be constructed, has adopted a uniform practice throughout the country of making a major factor in its decision the likelihood that there will be a traffic need for that particular stretch of motorway in 15 years from the date when the scheme was prepared. This is known as the 'design year' of the scheme. Priorities as between one stretch of motorway and another have got to be determined somehow. Semasiologists [for those who do not readily understand that word it means those who are concerned with the meanings of words] may argue whether the adoption by the department of a uniform practice for doing this is most appropriately described as government policy or as something else. But the propriety of adopting it is clearly a matter fit to be debated in a wider forum and with the assistance of a wider range of relevant material than any investigation at an individual local inquiry is likely to provide; and in that sense at least, which is the relevant sense for present purposes, its adoption forms part of government policy."
It is that last passage which is of considerable importance in connection with this case.
"The decisions to make these two assumptions for the purpose of calculating and preparing what traffic needs will be in all localities throughout the country in which it is proposed to construct future stretches of the national network of motorway might not, in a general context, be most naturally described as being government policy; but if a decision to determine priorities in the construction of future stretches of the national network of motorways by reference to their respective traffic needs in a design year 15 years ahead can properly be described as government policy, as I think it can, the definition of 'traffic needs' to be used for the purposes of applying the policy, viz. traffic needs as assessed by methods described in the Red Book and the departmental publication on the capacity of rural roads, may well be regarded as an essential element in the policy. But whether the uniform adoption of particular methods of assessment is described as policy or methodology, the merits of the methods adopted are, in my view, clearly not appropriate for investigation at individual local inquiries by an inspector whose consideration of the matter is necessarily limited by the material which happens to be presented to him at the particular inquiry which he is holding. It would be a rash inspector who based on that kind of material a positive recommendation to the minister that the method of predicting traffic throughout the country should be changed and it would be an unwise minister who acted in reliance on it."
Finally at page 103D he said this:
"My Lords, what the respondents really wanted to do in seeking the reopening of the local inquiry was to hold up authorisation of the construction of M42 Bromsgrove and M40 Warwick until the revised methods adopted by the department for estimating the comparative traffic needs for stretches of the national network of motorways which have not yet been constructed had been the subject of investigation at the reopened inquiry. For reasons that I have already elaborated, a local inquiry does not provide a suitable forum in which to debate what is in the relevant sense a matter of government policy. So the minister was in my view fully justified in refusing to reopen the local inquiry and in refusing to defer his decision whether or not to make the schemes until after this had been done and he had received a further report from the inspector."
"What was the Inspector to do in regard to a condition which was neither requested nor, more significantly, offered? Upon that question the court was referred helpfully to the decision of Forbes J in Marie Finlay v Secretary of State for the Environment and London Borough of Islington [1983] JPL 802."
That was a case which involved a suggestion that the Secretary of State should attach a condition the possibility of which had never been canvassed at the inquiry.
"Clearly, if the Secretary of State were minded to adopt any kind of policy of this character, he would have to re-open the inquiry in those circumstances in order that the appellant should have a chance of dealing with the imposition of a condition which had never been canvassed at the inquiry.
If a party to an appeal wanted the appeal to be considered on the basis that some condition could cure the planning objection put forward, then it was incumbent on the appellant to deal with that condition at the inquiry. Unless such a condition has been canvassed the Secretary of State was not at fault in not imposing such a condition."
Lord Justice Mann went on that he agreed with the view expressed by Forbes J. He continued:
"Such an approach had to work sensibly in practice. An Inspector should not have imposed upon him an obligation to cast about for conditions not suggested before him."