HC & RC (Trafficked women) China CG  UKAIT 00027
Date of hearing: 11th November 2008
Date Determination notified: 18 July 2009
|Secretary of State for the Home Department||RESPONDENT|
(1) Although the Chinese authorities are intent upon rescuing and rehabilitating women and girls trafficked for the purposes of prostitution, there are deficiencies in the measures they have taken to combat the problem of trafficking. The principal deficiencies are the lack of a determined effort to deal with the complicity of corrupt law enforcement officers and state officials and the failure to penalise as trafficking acts of forced labour, debt bondage, coercion, involuntary servitude or offences committed against male victims.
(2) Women and girls in China do not in general face a real risk of serious harm from traffickers. Where, however, it can be established in a given case that a woman or a girl does face a real risk of being forced or coerced into prostitution by traffickers, the issue of whether she will be able to receive effective protection from the authorities will need careful consideration in the light of background evidence highlighting significant deficiencies in the system of protection for victims of trafficking. But each case, however, must be judged on its own facts. China is a vast country and it may be, for example, that in a particular part of Chine the efforts to eliminate trafficking are determined and the level of complicity between state officials and traffickers is low. If an appellant comes from such an area, or if she can relocate to such an area, there may be no real risk to her.
(3) The Chinese state has an obligation to house the homeless and will not allow their citizens to starve. Therefore a returned trafficked woman without family support will not be allowed by the authorities to fall into a state of destitution.
(4) Due to reforms of the Chinese household registration system known as the "hukou" system it is unlikely that a returned trafficked woman would be obliged to return to the place where she is registered. The reforms have made it relatively easy for ordinary migrant workers to get legal, albeit temporary, urban registration and there is no reason why this should not extend to returned trafficked women.
(5) Pre-marital sex is now commonplace in China and women's earning power growing, particularly in the wealthy cities of the east. As a result the number of single mothers in China is growing, albeit from a small base and although a birth permit may not be obtained, nonetheless it is possible for hukou for the child of a single mother to be obtained depending upon where the application is made.
(6) It is not inevitable that a returned trafficked woman would be punished for having left China illegally. Punishment is unlikely for those who seek and obtain the assistance of the All-China Women's Federation and for those able to give information to the authorities about snakeheads.
"Since the decision to refuse my asylum application I am aware that the emphasis has moved in my case about the issues of prostitution and how the agent brought me to the United Kingdom. From the start of my case, at the asylum screening interview I made it plain that I had been forced to work as a prostitute, both in my country and on the way to the United Kingdom. From the preliminary statement I emphasised that "I am scared of being in my country. I did not want to be a prostitute and I do not want to be in this situation again. I was very scared when I had to do this. I was sometimes hurt and I always felt bad and I have trouble talking about many of the things that happened. I thought that by coming here I would be safe. I have never chosen to have sex with anyone. I was threatened and I felt that I had no choice. I want to forget those things. When I think of them and have to talk I get upset. I get angry and sad and I cry a lot." (B5) And so I do not think that it can be said that I had not emphasised this fear from the start."
The written expert evidence
"Despite reported initiatives to suppress all forms of trafficking in an exploitation of women, efforts have fallen short of substantive protection due to limited legislative definitions, administrative detention of prostitutes, and policy execution."
There were severe penalties available in law to punish people-trafficking offences but they did not seem to have had much deterrent effect to date. She quoted a publication by Dr Michael Palmer in 1996 which said that:
"Imposing the death penalty for certain forms of dealing in women and children may be another example of the lawmakers' fallacy to which post-Mao China is particularly prone: that severity of punishment is the most significant feature of the law. Severe punishment is imposed for a crime in the expectation that it will have a greater deterrent impact. This approach overlooks the fact that the certainty of being detected and punished may well have a greater deterrent effect than the severity of the penalty."
Dr Sheehan expressed the view based on the report of the International Labour Organisation "Girls for sale: Preventing Trafficking in China", 25th November 2005, that Anhui province was a major "sending" area for trafficked women and children. Even if the appellant were able to relocate to another area, which was unlikely, her lack of family or social networks to protect her interests, her poverty, her status as a never-married mother would still make her a likely target for traffickers. She said that paragraph 33.07 of the COIS Report of September 2006, observed that centres for the "transfer, training and rehabilitation" physically and psychologically of trafficked women had opened in Kunming, in Hunnan province, Chengdu in Sichuan province and Xuzhou in Jiangsu province. These centres, however, accommodate only 2,000 women in a country in which the authorities themselves admitted that an estimated 10,000 – 20,000 victims a year represented the tip of the iceberg. The closest centre for the appellant, assuming that she would be returned to her old home district in Anhui, would be the Xuzhou one which was approximately 150 miles away from her home district, which further reduced the odds of her becoming one of the small number of women who could be accommodated in these centres. She mentioned paragraph 33.07 of the COIS report which cited the existence of legal aid and legal counselling centres in 30 provinces and autonomous regions of the PRC as sources of help for trafficked women and children, but pointed out that these centres were for general legal aid and counselling and not solely, mainly or specifically for the benefit of vulnerable women and children who had been trafficked and/or sexually exploited. It had been estimated that legal aid in China only covered about 25% of demand from defendants in criminal cases who could not afford to pay for a lawyer from their own resources and in addition priority for legal aid was given to criminal defendants facing the death penalty and to the handicapped, aged and minors claiming compensation in personal injury cases.
"a criminal enterprise that blurs the boundaries between trafficking and smuggling, ensnaring girls and women who in many cases leave China of their own free will. Often sent with the best wishes of their community, which has clubbed together to pay the exorbitant fees, the victims cannot bear to tell their families what they have been forced to do on arrival."
She stated that there was considerable stigma attached to Chinese women who had been trafficked, whether into forced marriage or into the sex industry, which had become a factor hampering Chinese government efforts to rescue and rehabilitate trafficked women and girls since the victims and their families did not want to be identified in public as having been trafficked. She quoted a Human Rights in China report of 30th June 1995 which suggested the principal reason for discrimination against trafficked women was that their families felt that this had caused them a loss of face, particularly the fact that the women had had sex with their buyers, regardless of whether this was forced upon them. Dr Sheehan expressed the view that the prejudices around women's sexual behaviour in China were very long-standing ones, and not something about which popular opinion would have changed dramatically even over a period of thirteen years since the publication of the report. A BBC report on the same subject dated 28th April 2000 said that according to Chinese state media, women who had been forced to work as prostitutes often faced prejudice if they returned to their home villages. The situation had caused one academic to appeal to the Chinese press not to reveal the identities of rescued women as this was making it harder for them to find husbands.
"A single, pregnant woman faces enormous social stigma and shame and has few options beyond abortion. Single motherhood is almost non-existent, and unmarried pregnant women rarely carry a pregnancy to term in order to place a child up for adoption."
Even divorced single mothers in China were subject to heavy social disapproval and were almost universally blamed for the break-up of their marriages, so that presenting herself as divorced would only slightly reduce the prejudice with which the appellant would be regarded in Chinese society. Never-married mothers belonged to the most stigmatised category of all and young single mothers were very conspicuous in Chinese society, because of their rarity, and the presence of a child would confirm to any observer the sexual history of the mother, which brought into play all the prejudices and assumptions that mentioned. An unmarried woman with no relatives would be unlikely to be able to reciprocate favours received and, in the absence of a family member powerful and well resourced enough to reciprocate on her behalf, she would be an isolated and vulnerable figure.
The oral expert evidence
"poor rural girls, already disadvantaged in education, health and employment opportunities … … fall prey to trafficking to be exploited sexually, or to serve as potential brides or labourers."
If the appellant would have to return to her home area under the hukou system, she was from one of the poorest provinces in east China which was a major source for trafficking. If she wanted to move she would have to apply for permission which was unlikely to be given in the absence of a permanent job. If the appellant wanted to remain in an urban area she would have to do so illegally or by obtaining fake ID which would cost her money and there was a high risk that the PRC authorities would detect her fake ID. Those found with fake documentation or those without documentation in urban areas were liable to detention in centres containing some of the most vulnerable members of society. The centres were abusive in their conditions and act as a magnet for people traffickers. If the appellant were returned to China there was a serious possibility she would find herself in such a detention centre. It would be virtually impossible for the appellant to find herself accommodation and work in order to survive. Rehabilitation centres for victims of trafficking did exist, but they could accommodate 2,000 people out of an estimated 10,000 to 20,000 victims a year. The closest to the appellant's home was several hundreds of miles away. The USSD Report described progress in 2006 in protection and rehabilitation of PRC trafficking victims as "modest" and concluded that "protection services remained temporary and inadequate to address victim's needs". Seeking private accommodation would pose major problems for the appellant as anyone who takes her in as a tenant might well do so with the intention of informing people traffickers in order to claim a reward. Seeking employment would place the appellant at risk of re-trafficking since in order to find employment the appellant's only option is to approach an agency, many of which are fake and a front for people trafficking. The appellant did not have any established family networks which were the main route to finding safe employment. There was also a possibility that on her return the appellant would be fined or imprisoned as a punishment for leaving the country illegally, which would worsen her economic situation which in itself would put her at greater risk of being re-trafficked. If she were fined or sentenced to a period of detention it would publicly identify her as someone who had been involved in the sex industry, which in turn would expose her to further risk of re-involvement in the sex industry and targeting by traffickers.
A brief evaluation of the evidence of Dr Sheehan
Assessment of the general position for women returnees with a history of trafficking
"Domestic and cross-border trafficking continued to be significant problems, although the exact numbers of persons involved could only be estimated due to a huge itinerant population of approximately 150 million. The MPS reported about 3,000 cross-border trafficking cases but stated this figure is decreasing by approximately 20% every year. NGOs estimated the number of victims trafficked internally each year was between 10,000 and 20,000."
The passage under the heading "Women" said:-
"Although prostitution is illegal, experts estimated that there were between 1.7 and 5 million women involved in prostitution in the country. The commercialisation of sex and related trafficking in women trapped tens of thousands of women in a cycle of crime and exploitation and left them vulnerable to disease and abuse. According to state-run media, one out of every five massage parlours in the country was involved in prostitution with the percentage higher in cities. Up to 80% of prostitutes in some areas had hepatitis."
US State Department "Trafficking in Persons Report" dated June 2008 stated:-
"The People's Republic of China (P.R.C.) is a source, transit, and destination country for men, women, and children trafficked for the purposes of sexual exploitation and forced labour. The majority of trafficking in China occurs within the country's borders, but there is also considerable international trafficking of P.R.C. citizens to Africa, Asia, Europe, Latin America, the Middle East, and North America, which often occurs within a larger flow of human smuggling. Chinese women are lured abroad through false promises of legitimate employment, only to be forced into commercial sexual exploitation, largely in Taiwan, Thailand, Malaysia, and Japan."
It is clear from the International Labour Organisation Report of the CP-TING Project that the province from whence the appellant comes, Anhui, is a 'sending' province in China. The report described the project's aim to make migration channels safe for girls who wanted to leave their rural villages operating in the three 'sending' provinces in Central China (Anhui, Henan and Hunan) which had a combined population of 223 million inhabitants.
"The Chinese government takes its duty and responsibilities to prevent and prohibit domestic and cross-border human trafficking seriously and fulfils its commitment to the international community. Positive measures will continue to be initiated in China including alleviating poverty, increasing chances for employment, improving legislation and law enforcement, public education, and building a long-term social mechanism to prevent trafficking."
In March 1995 the Christusrex China Human Rights Fact Sheet, dealing with the abduction and trafficking of women, acknowledged that the PRC government had enacted various laws to combat the sale of women, but the statistics released by the government did not reliably indicate the scale of the problem. It can be seen from the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China (1997) that there are a considerable number of articles in the Criminal Code which provide for substantial penalties for offences relating to the sexual exploitation of women. The criticism of the Chinese authorities in dealing with the problems of trafficking does not centre on failing to criminalise activities relating to the trafficking of women or failing to provide for severe penalties, apart from that contained in the US State Department Trafficking in Persons Report dated June 2006 which stated that the Chinese definition of the term "trafficking" did not include acts of forced labour, debt bondage, coercion, involuntary servitude or offences committed against male victims. In this connection it can be seen from Article 240 of Chapter 4 of the Chinese Criminal Law that seducing, tricking or forcing abducted women into prostitution, selling abducted women to others who in turn force them into prostitution is a criminal offence. Criticism rather centres on the lack of the effective prosecution of offenders, a failure to deal with the complicity of state officials, the lack of provision of adequate funding to local and provincial governments to fund the new additional action plan, the lack of formal victim identification procedures, provision for their protection and rehabilitation and the failure to conduct broad public awareness campaigns to inform the public of the risks and dangers of trafficking. The US Department of State Trafficking Persons Report dated June 2008 states as follows:-
"The Government of the P.R.C. does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking; however, it is making significant efforts to do so. Nevertheless, China is placed on Tier 2 Watch List for the fourth consecutive year for its failure to provide evidence of increasing efforts to combat human trafficking from the previous year, particularly in terms of punishment of trafficking crimes and the protection of Chinese and foreign victims of trafficking. Victims are sometimes punished for unlawful acts that were committed as a direct result of their being trafficked – such as violations for prostitution or immigration/immigration controls. … Additional challenges facing the P.R.C. Government include the enormous size of its trafficking problem and the significant level of corruption and complicity in trafficking by some local government officials. Factors impeding progress in anti-trafficking efforts include tight controls over civil society organisations, restricted access of foreign anti-trafficking organisations and the government's systemic lack of transparency."
"Corrupt law enforcement officers and government officials were a barrier to combating prostitution and trafficking. Officials were bribed by pimps or brothel owners or offered perks when they themselves visited the brothel. These actions indicated the silent encouragement of prostitution and, intentionally or not, trafficking. Prostitution was an embarrassment to the Communist Party, which touted its ability to eliminate social problems. Party officials often opted to just avoid the issue."
The US State Department Report for 2008 also noted that despite its general anti-corruption measures, the PRC government had not demonstrated concerted efforts to investigate, prosecute and punish government officials for complicity in trafficking.
The hukou system
"Albeit holding that claims for protection against refoulement based on dire socio-economic circumstances are normally not decisive when considering Article 3 ill-treatment, the Strasbourg Court has not excluded that in certain extreme circumstances, such circumstances could give rise to a violation of a nonderogable right: see below paras 86-88. Further, as has been made clear by the Court on many occasions (e.g. in Kalashnikov v Russia  ECHR 596) and by UK courts and the Tribunal, for ill-treatment to arise under Article 3, it does not necessarily have to be intentional or deliberate: see R (On the appellant of Adam v Secretary of State for the Home Department  UKHL 66;  1 AC at . Hence, whilst there will always be heavy factual obstacles in the way of a finding that socio-economic circumstances can constitute persecution, there is no reason of principle why a claim of this kind cannot succeed."
Summary of general conclusions
1. Although the Chinese authorities are intent upon rescuing and rehabilitating women and girls trafficked for the purposes of prostitution, there are deficiencies in the measures they have taken to combat the problem of trafficking. The principal deficiencies are the lack of a determined effort to deal with the complicity of corrupt law enforcement officers and state officials and the failure to penalise as trafficking acts of forced labour, debt bondage, coercion, involuntary servitude or offences committed against male victims.
2. Women and girls in China do not in general face a real risk of serious harm from traffickers. Where, however, it can be established in a given case that a woman or a girl does face a real risk of being forced or coerced into prostitution by traffickers, the issue of whether she will be able to receive effective protection from the authorities will need careful consideration in the light of background evidence highlighting significant deficiencies in the system of protection for victims of trafficking. But each case, however, must be judged on its own facts. China is a vast country and it may be, for example, that in a particular part of Chine the efforts to eliminate trafficking are determined and the level of complicity between state officials and traffickers is low. If an appellant comes from such an area, or if she can relocate to such an area, there may be no real risk to her.
3. The Chinese state has an obligation to house the homeless and will not allow their citizens to starve. Therefore a returned trafficked woman without family support will not be allowed by the authorities to fall into a state of destitution.
4. Due to reforms of the Chinese household registration system known as the "hukou" system it is unlikely that a returned trafficked woman would be obliged to return to the place where she is registered. The reforms have made it relatively easy for ordinary migrant workers to get legal, albeit temporary, urban registration and there is no reason why this should not extend to returned trafficked women.
5. Pre-marital sex is now commonplace in China and women's earning power growing, particularly in the wealthy cities of the east. As a result the number of single mothers in China is growing, albeit from a small base and although a birth permit may not be obtained, nonetheless it is possible for hukou for the child of a single mother to be obtained depending upon where the application is made.
6. It is not inevitable that a returned trafficked woman would be punished for having left China illegally. Punishment is unlikely for those who seek and obtain the assistance of the All-China Women's Federation and for those able to give information to the authorities about snakeheads.
The position of the appellant on return to China
The risk of re-trafficking in her own home area
"The fact that a person has already been subject to persecution or serious harm, or to direct threats of such persecution or such harm, will be regarded as a serious indication of the person's well-founded fear of persecution or real risk of suffering serious harm, unless there are good reasons to consider that such persecution or serious harm will not be repeated."
"The decision-maker, taking account of all relevant circumstances pertaining to the claimant and his country of origin, must decide whether it is reasonable to expect the claimant to relocate or whether it would be unduly harsh to expect him to do so . . . There is, as Simon Brown LJ aptly observed in Svazas v Secretary of State for the Home Department,  1 WLR 1891, para 55, a spectrum of cases. The decision-maker must do his best to decide, on such material as is available, where on the spectrum the particular case falls. . . . All must depend on a fair assessment of the relevant facts."
He went on to say that It was, or should be, evident that the enquiry must be directed to the situation of the particular applicant, whose age, gender, experience, health, skills and family ties may all be very relevant. There was no warrant for excluding, or giving priority to, consideration of the applicant's way of life in the place of persecution. There was no warrant for excluding, or giving priority to, consideration of conditions generally prevailing in the home country. He did not underestimate the difficulty of making decisions in some cases. But the difficulty lay in applying the test, not in expressing it. The humanitarian object of the Refugee Convention was to secure a reasonable measure of protection for those with a well-founded fear of persecution in their home country or some part of it; it was not to procure a general levelling-up of living standards around the world, desirable though of course that was.
The immigration judge made a material error of law in his determination of the appeals.
Accordingly the following decision is substituted.
The appeals on asylum grounds are dismissed.
The appeals on humanitarian protection grounds are dismissed.
The appeals on human rights grounds under articles 3 and 8 of the ECHR are dismissed.
Senior Immigration Judge Spencer
REASONS FOR THE DECISION THAT THERE IS AN ERROR OF LAW IN THE DETERMINATION
The Hearing Before the Immigration Judge
Grounds and Submissions
The Material Error of Law
LIST OF BACKGROUND MATERIALS BEFORE THE TRIBUNAL
|1.||The Search for Modern China: A Documentary Collection: Lu Xun: My Views on Chastity: 1918|
|2.||China Since 1978: Chapter 17: Population (author not stated|)|
|3.||www.jaegercamp.info: Law Safeguarding Women's Rights and Interests of the People's Republic of China (1992) Chapters I to IX|
|4.||www.jaegercamp.info: Government of China's Plan of Action To Prevent, Protect, Prosecute and Reintegrate|
|5.||Xin Ren: Violence against Women under China' Economic Modernisation: Resurgence of Women trafficking in China|
|6.||Xinran: The Good Women of China: Chapters 2, 5, 6, 7, 8 and 13|
|7.||March 1995||China Human rights Fact Sheet|
|8.||30 June 1995||Human Rights in China: The property of men: the trafficking and domestic abuse of women|
|9.||1996||Michael Palmer: The Re-emergence of Family Law in Post-Mao China: Marriage, Divorce and Reproduction|
|10.||1996||Harry Wu with George Vecsey: Troublemaker: One Man's Crusade against China's Cruelty|
|11.||Post 1996||Chinese Family: Continuity and change (author not stated)|
|12.||1997||www.jaegercamp.info: Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China (1997): Chapters IV & VI|
|13.||Post September 1998||Factbook on Global Sexual Exploitation: China and Hong Kong|
|14.||1999||Delia Davin: Internal Migration in Contemporary china (excerpts)|
|15.||9 August 1999||South China Morning post: Reform-minded minister gets credit for putting short leash on No 1 wolf|
|16.||September 1999||Human Rights in China: Not Welcome at the Party: Behind the "Clean-up" of China's Cities - a Report on Administrative detention under "Custody and Repatriation"|
|17.||22 September 1999||Immigration and Refugee Board Canada: Extended Response to Information Request|
|18.||2000||Zeng Yi: Marriage Patterns in Contemporary China|
|19.||2000||Li Yongping and Peng Xizhe: Age and Sex Structures|
|20.||2000||Tyrene White: Domination, resistance and accommodation in China's one-child campaign|
|21.||2000||Du Peng and Tu Ping: population Ageing and Old Age Security|
|22.||28 April 2000||BBC News Online: China arrests prostitution gang|
|23.||2001||Julia O'Connell Davidson: Children in the Sex trade in China|
|24.||4 August 2001||The Daily Telegraph Damien Mc Elroy: Chinese region 'must conduct 20,000abortions'|
|25.||7 May 2002||UNHCR: Guidelines on International Protection: "Membership of a particular social group" within the context of Article 1A(2) of the 1951 Convention and/or its 1967 Protocol relating to the Status of Refugees|
|26.||2 September 2002||Congressional-Executive Commission on China: Women's Rights and China's New Family Planning Law|
|27.||2 September 2002||South China morning post: New family planning law might end abuses|
|28.||28 December 2002||South China morning post: One-child policy should not be relaxed too fast, warns official|
|29.||2003||Vernon Mei-Ying Hung: Reassessing Reeducation Through Labor|
|30.||2004||Consortium for Street Children: China|
|31.||24 June 2004||The Guardian: John Gittings: Birth Rights|
|32.||5 October 2004||Human Rights in China: One-Child Policy Opponent Tortured|
|33.||14 December 2004||US House of Representatives: Committee on International Relations: China human Rights Violations and Coercion in One child Policy Enforcement: Submission by Human rights in China|
|34.||18 December 2004||China Daily: Single Chinese mothers beset with troubles|
|35.||22 December 2004||Joseph A D'Agostino: More persecution of China's Women and Children|
|36.||2005||Human Rights Watch: China: World Report|
|37.||February 2005||Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada: China Reforms of the Household Registration System (Hukou) (1998-2004)|
|38.||7 October 2005||ZNet: Laurel Bossen: Forty Million Missing girls|
|39.||25 November 2005||International Labour organization: Girls for sale: Preventing trafficking within China|
|40.||7 April 2006||UNHCR: Guidelines on International Protection: The application of Article 1A(2) of the 1951 Convention and/or 1967 Protocol relating to the Status of Refugees to victims of trafficking and persons at risk of being trafficked|
|41.||June 2006||Human Rights in China: Implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women in the People's Republic of China|
|42.||14 June 2006||Susan Trevaskes: Severe and Swift justice in China|
|43.||11 August 2006||Committee to Eliminate Discrimination against Women Recognises China's Advances since last Review, but urges Greater Progress|
|44.||October 2006||Asylum Policy Instruction: Gender issues in the Asylum Claim|
|45.||30 October 2006||COI Service: Country of Origin Information Request|
|46.||Winter 2006||Emily Shuckman: Antitrafficking Policies in Asia and the Russian Far East: A Comparative Perspective|
|47.||14 March 2007||South China Morning Post: Poor outlook for the unemployed|
|48.||13 May 2007||The New York Times: Jim Yardley: Today's Face of Abortion in China Is a young, Unmarried Woman|
|49.||22 May 2007||Xinhua Mews Agency: China mulls reform of household registration system|
|50.||20 June 2007||The Guardian Newspaper: Jonathan Watts: Going Under|
|51.||21 June 2007||China Daily: China strikes at root of brick kiln slavery|
|52.||11 July 2007||Un Inter-Agency Project on Human Trafficking in the Greater Mekong Sub-region : China: accessed on 11 July 2007|
|53.||13 December 2007||China National Plan of Action on Combating trafficking in Women and Children (2008-2012)|
|54.||1997||Comment on Humantrafficking.org: China National Plan of Action on Combating Trafficking in Women and children (2008-2012) from humantrafficking.org|
|55.||7 January 2008||Humantrafficking.org: China Improves Efforts to Combat Trafficking through Regional mechanism: adapted from Beijing Youth Daily: 15 December 2007|
|56.||11 March 2008||US Department of State: Human Rights Practices Report on China|
|57.||6 April 2008||The New York Times: Howard W French: Single Mothers in China Forge a Difficult Path|
|58.||1 June 2008||UK Border Agency: Country of Origin Information Report|
|59.||June 2008||US Department of State: Trafficking in Persons Report (extract)|
|60.||10 October 2008||Statement by the Head of Chinese Delegation: Session of Conference of the Parties to UNTOC|
|61.||11 October 2008||Cathy Scott-Clarke and Adrian Levy: It is down your street and in your lane|